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961.
Mary M. Cavanaugh Phyllis L. Solomon Richard J. Gelles 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2011,7(3):275-291
Data are presented from a pilot study that tested the initial effectiveness of the Dialectical Psychoeducational Workshop
(DPEW) in reducing the potential risk for intimate partner violence (IPV). A randomized controlled trial (RCT) of an experimental
intervention (DPEW), and a control condition, the first session of an eight-week anger management program (AMW), was employed.
Differences between experimental and control groups were analyzed by chi-square and t tests. Self-report questionnaires were administered pre- and post-test to 55 study participants. The questionnaire was comprised
of standardized measures and highly-structured questions. Quantitative analyses provided strong preliminary support for the
DPEW’s effectiveness in lowering a participant’s desire to express anger physically, while decreasing the potential risk for
physical violence. This pilot study demonstrated promising initial support for the DPEW as an alternative, preventative intervention
for males at risk for intimate partner violence. Its strong preliminary results provide evidence for a larger RCT. The study’s
results are limited by a reliance on self-report measures, the brevity of the intervention, and a small sample size. 相似文献
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Economic voting has been little studied in the nations of Southern Europe. Here we examine economic voting in the Southern European countries of Portugal, Italy, Spain, and Greece – the PIGS. Through the analysis of a large, ten European nation survey pool, we establish that economic voting exists in the PIGS, with a strength that significantly exceeds that in non-PIGS of Northern Europe. The explanation for such a difference, we suggest, lies in the generally less complex governing coalitions and the poorer economic performance that characterize these Southern European nations. This relatively greater strength of the economic vote in the PIGS implies their electorates will hold government tightly accountable for management of the ongoing economic crises they face. 相似文献
967.
Wales provides a notable exception to the contemporary academic consensus that electoral behaviour is best studied via choice-based approaches. In Wales, the orthodoxy remains that of the Three-Wales Model, an approach formulated in the 1980s which saw voting behaviour as defined by class, language and national identity. This article submits the Three-Wales Model to detailed scrutiny for the first time. The model is argued to have been constructed on a very narrow theoretical basis, and on flawed measurements. Most importantly, however, the Three-Wales Model is shown to have little empirical leverage on voting behaviour in Wales – either for the period when it was formulated or for more recent elections. Factors associated with ‘valence politics’ theories are shown to provide far greater insight into voting behaviour in contemporary Wales. 相似文献
968.
We contribute to extant policy theory by focusing on interrelationships between existing policies and innovation. In particular, we call attention to the link between supply‐side incentives and demand‐side innovation, which has not been systematically investigated. Our research expectation is that supply‐side policies generally will complement demand‐side policy, leading to a positive impact on the adoption of demand‐side innovations. We test this idea by examining adoptions of renewable portfolio standards (RPS), a demand‐pull approach targeted to renewable energy generation by utilities, in the American states from 1991 to 2008. Event history models show that an index of supply‐side financial incentives has a strong positive influence on RPS adoption. We do not find support for the hypothesis that this effect is contingent on in‐state carbon‐based energy generation. In conclusion, we argue that the study of policy adoption needs to give greater consideration to the interrelationships among policy instruments. 相似文献
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Richard Williams 《The Modern law review》2012,75(6):951-980
This paper analyses the regulation of company political donations in the UK. It argues that UK policy makers have failed to understand the nature of company donors and, consequently, that the UK Companies Act 2006 requirement for shareholder consent for company donations is not an effective solution to concerns about company donors. To this end, the paper presents a comprehensive empirical analysis of company donations to show that the vast majority of donor companies are closely held or owner‐managed entities where shareholder consent rules are ineffective. The paper highlights particular concerns that arise with donation by such companies and argues for a more accurate understanding of company donations in order to formulate effective policy responses to concerns about the role of company donors. 相似文献