Federal-provincial taxation in turbulent times

Abstract: Major changes in federal tax policy over the last decade have added to the pressures on provincial public finances and resulted in increased interest in possible ways to restructure Canada's federal finances by reassigning taxes. I review several recent proposals along these lines, but conclude that on the whole major reassignments of taxes seem unlikely to occur in the near future. The most important immediate issue concerns the possible revision of the much-criticized federal sales tax, the GST. Although major substantive (as opposed to cosmetic) changes in this tax seem either undesirable or unlikely, or both, some further, albeit still imperfect, rapprochement with provincial sales taxes may occur. Finally, I note that both the complexity and the importance of fiscal issues demand, but seldom receive, informed public discussion beyond the passing battles of current federal-provincial political relations. Sommaire: Les importants changements dans les politiques d'imposition fédérales au cours de la dernière décennie sont venus ajouter aux pressions qui s'exercent sur les finances publiques provinciales; on s'intéresse done de plus en plus aux moyens qui permettraient de restructurer les finances fédérales du Canada en réaffectant les impôts. L'article passe en revue plusieurs propositions récentes en ce sens, mais conclut que, dans l'ensemble, il est peu probable que des réaffectations d'impôts se produisent bientôt. La question immédiate la plus importante a trait à la révision possible de la taxe de vente fédérale très critiquée qu'est la TPS. Bien que d'importants changements substantifs (et non pas seulement cosmétiques) dans cette taxe semblent indésirables, ou improbables, ou les deux, un certain rapprochement supplémentaire, mais encore imparfait, risque de se produire avec les taxes de vente provinciales. Enfin, la complexité et l'importance des questions fiscales exigent un débat public ouvert, au-delà des accrochages actuels dans les relations politiques fédérales-provinciales, ce qui demeure rare.     

From occupational involvement to political participation: An exploratory analysis

Since Mill and Tocqueville, theorists have speculated that local participation, particularly involvement in workplace decision making, contributes to participation in wider politics. Theory suggests there should be two types of relationships between work and politics. First, there should be a correspondence between similarly formal or authoritative occupational and political involvements. Second, occupational participation should generate political participation. Thus, both authority patterns and actual participation connect work to politics.This paper hypothesizes that, other things being equal, occupational involvement, such as authority and participation at work, generates wider political participation, and that this influence occurs most strongly across levels of similar formality between the occupational and political spheres. The study finds that work participation, in fact, generates political participation, and that the connection is strongest along a hierarchy of formality connecting participation from the workplace to politics.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Panel on Innovations in the 1985 National Election Study Pilot Survey, American Political Science Association, Washington, DC, August 1986.     

Policy monitoring and policy analysis

In this article we introduce a policy analytic technique that we call “policy monitoring.” Using data from the Environmental Protection Agency's Hazardous Waste Division, we demonstrate how the technique can be employed in actual practice. The case study demonstrates that EPA enforcements were responsive to stimuli emanating from outside the agency. In particular, relevant congressional committees were able to influence and effect change in the EPA's policy. In addition to demonstrating how policy monitoring can be employed, we also discuss how it can be used in other policy analytic situations.     

Reviews

Victoria E. Bonnell, Ann Cooper & Gregory Friedin (eds), Russia at the Barricades. Armonk, NY and London: M. E. Sharpe, 1994, xx + 371 pp.

A. S. Chernyaev, Shest’ let s Gorbachevym. Po dnevnikovym zapisyam. Moscow: Izdatel'skaya gruppa ‘Progress—Kul'tura’, 1993, 528 pp.

S. Ardittis (ed.), The Politics of East‐West Migration. London and New York: Macmillan and St. Martin's Press, 1994, 257 pp., £40.00.

Victor Peppard & James Riordan, Playing Politics: Soviet Sport Diplomacy to 1992. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, x + 184 pp., $43.95.

János Kovács (ed.), Transition to Capitalism? The Communist Legacy in Eastern Europe. New Brunswick, NJ and London: Transaction Publishers, 1994, xxiii + 323 pp., $34.95.

R. J. Crampton, Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century. London and New York: Routledge, 1994. xx + 475 pp., £45.00 h/b., $14.99 p/b.

John O. Norman (ed.), New Perspectives on Russian and Soviet Artistic Culture. Selected papers from the Fourth World Congress for Soviet and East European Studies, Harrogate, 1990. General Editor: Stephen White. London: Macmillan Press, 1994, xiv + 158 pp., £45.00.

Lynne Attwood (ed.), Red Women on the Silver Screen: Soviet Women and Cinema from the Beginning to the End of the Communist Era. London: Pandora Press, 1993, 260 pp., £12.99

Peter J. Potichnyj, Marc Raeff, Jaroslav Pelenski & Gleb N. Zekulin (eds), Ukraine and Russia in their Historical Encounter. Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, University of Alberta, 1992, xv + 346 pp., $24.95.     

Bureaucratic politics and the new fighter aircraft decisions

Abstract. According to the bureaucratic politics approach to policy making, an appreciation of competition and conflict among bureaucrats is considered to be critical for an understanding of decision outcomes. In this paper, we employ the bureaucratic politics model to assess the outcomes of the initial phase of the Canadian government's new fighter aircraft (NFA) program, which began in March 1977 with cabinet approval of the procurement and ended in April 1980 when cabinet announced the selection of the McDonnell Douglas F-18A Hornet. This paper examines the interests of the three departments responsible for furnishing cabinet with recommendations - National Defence, Supply and Services, and Industry, Trade and Commerce. We examine instances of conflict among the bureaus involved, but conclude that, overall, conflict was relatively muted in this case. Three reasons are offered to explain why conflict between departments was not endemic to the NFA program, and several broader conclusions are drawn about the applicability and utility of the bureaucratic politics approach. Sommaire. D'après l'approche de politique bureaucratique en matière d'élaboration de politiques, l'on considère qu'il est très important d'évaluer les rivalités et les conflits existants entre les bureaucrates pour comprendre les conséquences d'une décision. Dans le présent article, les auteilrs se servent du modèle de politique bureaucratique pour évaluer les conséquences de la phase initiale du programme fédéral Nouvel avion de chasse (NAC). Cette phase a débuté en mars 1977 lorsque le conseil des ministres a approuvé l'acquisition d'un tel avion et s'est teminée en avril 1980 avec la sélection du F-18A Hornet de McDonnell Douglas. Cet article examine les intérêts des trois ministères chargés de présenter leurs recommandations au cabinet, à savoir: la Défense nationale, Approvisionnements et Services, et Industrie et Commerce. Il étudie les cas de conflits entre les services concernés mais conclue que dans l'ensemble, dans le cas en question, les conflits étaient pratiquement inexistants. Les auteurs donnent trois raisons expliquant pourquoi il n'y a pas eu de conflits endé miques entre les ministères à propos de ce programme NAC et ils tirent plusieurs conclusions plus générales au sujet de I'applicabilité et de l'utilité de l'approche de poli tique bureaucratique.     

The Ministry of State for Science and Technology

Abstract. During the past two and a half years, the federal government has employed a new and experimental mechanism to formulate and co-ordinate its science policies, the Ministry of State for Science and Technology, a horizontal planning and co-ordinating agency headed by a minister of state. The portfolio's mandate includes neither the statutory authority to regulate other departments and agencies of the federal government nor the opportunity to implement programs in the fields of science and technology. The structure of this ministry and its role vis-à-vis other federal government departments and agencies, other levels of government, and the scientific-technological community are described and evaluated in this essay. The essay examines, first, the constraints inherent in the nature of this new mechanism, given the existing organization of the executive-bureaucratic arena and, second, the consequent problems which have been experienced in the attempts of this ministry to formulate and wordinate science policies for the federal government. The analysis of the ministry's role is based primarily on confidential interviews with government officials and secondarily on reports and studies of Canada's science policy machinery. The analysis concludes with an assessment of the future roles of the ministry and recommends a significant reorientation of the ministry's efforts in light of the existing allocation of responsibility for policy and programs and the requirements of the science policy field. Sommaire. Au cours des trente derniers mois, le gouvernement fédéral s'est servi d'un nouvel outil expérimental pour élaborer et coordonner ses politiques scienti-fiques:le ministère d'État, aux Sciences et à la Technologie, qui exerce une fonction de planification et de concertation sectorielles. Le mandat de cet organisme n'englobe pas la réglementation de l'activité d'autres ministères et offices de l'État, ni la mise en ?uvre de programmes scientifiques ou techniques. Les auteurs décrivent et évaluent la structure du ministère d'État et son rôle à l'égard des autres ministères et offices de l'État, des autres paliers d'administration et des communautés scientifique et technique. Ils examinent tout d'abord les contraintes découlant de la nature même du ministère d'État au sein de la superstructure administrative et bureaucratique, et les problèmes qui en ont résulté pour le ministère au cours de ses travaux d'élaboration et de coordination des politiques scientifiques fédérales. Les auteurs basent leur analyse du rôle du ministère d'État, principalement sur des entretiens confidentiels avec des hauts fonctionnaires, et accessoirement sur des rapports et des études à propos des mécanismes canadiens d'élaboration des politiques scientifiques. Ils tenninent leur analyse par une prospective du rôle du ministère d'État, et ils recomman-dent un réaménagement de ses activités en fonction de la répartition actuelle des responsabilités en matière d'élaboration de politiques et de mise en ?uvre de programmes, et à la lumière des nécessités de la politique des sciences.     

Intellectualizing about the moon-ghetto metaphor: A study of the current malaise of rational analysis of social problems

The title refers to the widely held view that advanced western societies (particularly the United States) have been vastly more successful in meeting certain kinds of objectives, than others, and that rectifying this imbalance is a high priority social objective. The paper is concerned with three intellectual traditions that have purported to explain the reasons for the problem, and to provide guidance for helping with the lot of the ghetto. One of these traditions views the problems in terms of inadequate policy machinery, and the resolution in terms of better analysis feeding into the policymaking process. A second views the problem in terms of organizational structure, and searches for a solution in terms of institutional reform or redesign. Still a third tradition sees the problem as stemming from the past allocation of scientific and technical talent, and proposes a solution in terms of a significant reallocation of research and development activity. It is apparent that these traditions of analysis, neither separately nor together, have been very successful in resolving social problems. The purpose of the essay is, through examination of the intellectual traditions and their interaction with the policymaking process, to try to illuminate the nature of their weaknesses and, if possible, to see what lessons can be learned regarding how to make analysis more useful, and map out some potentially fruitful directions for intellectual exploration.The author is indebted to Graham Allison, Harvey Brooks, John Patrick Crecine, Lee Friedman, A. O. Hirschman, C. E. Lindblom, Keith Pavitt, Kenneth Warner, and Douglas Yates for helpful criticism and encouragement. The debt I owe to these intellectual colleagues goes far beyond their reactions to this paper. Many of my better ideas have been lifted from them. I could list here a number of other important influences but in a paper of this sort the author is faced with a Hobson's choice regarding footnote acknowledgements. On the one hand he could footnote all of the obvious sources and influences on particular points, in which case the footnotes would take up more space than the text. Or he can be parsimonious and be accused of stealing, without acknowledgement, other people's ideas. With apologies, and misgivings, I have opted for the second strategy both in this opening footnote and throughout the paper.