全文获取类型
收费全文 | 4268篇 |
免费 | 120篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 286篇 |
工人农民 | 191篇 |
世界政治 | 407篇 |
外交国际关系 | 256篇 |
法律 | 1825篇 |
中国政治 | 20篇 |
政治理论 | 1359篇 |
综合类 | 44篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 15篇 |
2021年 | 17篇 |
2020年 | 80篇 |
2019年 | 72篇 |
2018年 | 97篇 |
2017年 | 100篇 |
2016年 | 122篇 |
2015年 | 93篇 |
2014年 | 103篇 |
2013年 | 707篇 |
2012年 | 92篇 |
2011年 | 116篇 |
2010年 | 122篇 |
2009年 | 115篇 |
2008年 | 127篇 |
2007年 | 131篇 |
2006年 | 120篇 |
2005年 | 122篇 |
2004年 | 125篇 |
2003年 | 131篇 |
2002年 | 168篇 |
2001年 | 101篇 |
2000年 | 107篇 |
1999年 | 100篇 |
1998年 | 81篇 |
1997年 | 90篇 |
1996年 | 65篇 |
1995年 | 55篇 |
1994年 | 48篇 |
1993年 | 58篇 |
1992年 | 61篇 |
1991年 | 63篇 |
1990年 | 49篇 |
1989年 | 66篇 |
1988年 | 54篇 |
1987年 | 51篇 |
1986年 | 60篇 |
1985年 | 50篇 |
1984年 | 36篇 |
1983年 | 58篇 |
1982年 | 47篇 |
1981年 | 34篇 |
1980年 | 30篇 |
1979年 | 29篇 |
1978年 | 26篇 |
1977年 | 23篇 |
1976年 | 26篇 |
1975年 | 21篇 |
1974年 | 30篇 |
1971年 | 14篇 |
排序方式: 共有4388条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
71.
72.
73.
This article describes the results of a 1981 survey of 1,000randomly selected scholars of American government and politicswho were asked to rank the most significant intergovernmentalevents and trends of the past twenty years. Responses were receivedfrom almost 40 percent of these scholars; no significant returnbiases were detected. These scholars ranked civil rights andvoting rights acts as the most significant events of these decades.General Revenue Sharing and the reapportionment cases were rankedsecond and third in importance. The increased flow of federaldollars to states and local governments was ranked the mostimportant trend affecting intergovernmental relations, followedby the increased public disaffection with government and thegrowing dependence of local governments on state and federalaid. The Vietnam War and the inflationary spiral it initiatedwas ranked as the most significant social event affecting thecourse of intergovernmental relations, followed closely by theenergy crisis and the beginnings of the "Great Society." Thearticle also examines the effects of party identification, age,year of degree, government experience, region, and city sizeon scholarly attitudes toward these events and trends. Whilethe overall rankings were not dramatically altered, partisanship,region, and city size all were factors found to be noticeablyrelated to scholarly rankings of these important events andtrends. 相似文献
74.
Donna Lee Van Cott 《拉美政治与社会》2003,45(2):1-39
The central question of this article is why indigenous social movements formed electorally viable political parties in Latin America in the 1990s. This development represents a new phenomenon in Latin America, where ethnic parties have been both rare and unpopular among voters. Institutional reforms in six South American countries are examined to see if the creation and success of these parties can be correlated with changes in electoral systems, political party registration requirements, or the administrative structure of the state. The study concludes that institutional change is likely to be a necessary but not sufficient condition for the emergence and electoral viability of ethnic parties. 相似文献
75.
Pagani Linda Larocque Denis Vitaro Frank Tremblay Richard E. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2003,32(3):215-222
This paper focuses on parental maltreatment, a rarely documented phenomenon. We prospectively examine factors that can increase the risk of abusive behavior toward mothers. The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between a stressful family situation, parental divorce, and verbal and physical aggression toward mothers. We use a large Canadian sample of adolescents who have been followed since kindergarten. At age 15, we assessed verbal and physical abuse toward mothers, as reported by both mothers and their adolescents. Multinomial logit modeling revealed that parental divorce was associated with a greater risk of physical aggression directed toward mothers by adolescents. Family environment and parental coping strategies partially mediated that relationship. Mothers who divorced, and remained divorced, were at greater risk of being assaulted by their adolescent children. A positive family environment, reflecting a better parent–child relationship, partially diminished this risk. However, support-seeking behavior on the part of mothers increased the risk of abuse, concurrent with tyrannical strategies often mobilized by abusive children. 相似文献
76.
This paper presents findings from a national survey of ‘potential’ first time voters at the 2001 British general election. It investigates these young people's awareness of the advertising used by the main political parties during this election. Overall what emerges is a young electorate aware of the advertising, who were interested in the election itself and nearly half of whom say they voted in it. Consequently the findings reject the notion that young people are generically unaware of and disinterested in party political messages. In addition the findings indicate that the political parties' print advertisements—to some degree—are penetrating the first layer of young people's message processing, suggesting they are a useful aid in capturing the youth vote. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
77.
Kevin Moloney Barry Richards Richard Scullion Christine Daymon 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2003,3(2):166-175
High public interest today in political communications such as ‘spin’ and in political participation such as electoral turnout suggests that there may be value in exploring the processes by which political messages are produced and consumed, and their inter‐relationship with participation. It may be that what citizen‐voters think of message production influences how they consume political news and publicity (through observing and evaluating), and that the propensity to political participation is subsequently affected. This paper offers a model which traces the production of political communications, starting at their origins in the political class, and flowing via traditional political journalism or controlled media and new media to citizen‐voters who both observe and evaluate them (ie consume them) before, during and after making any political choices. It is hypothesised that the observation and evaluation of message production and content by political consumers influences both their types and levels of participation. Research of this nature into political organisations is relatively rare. Similarly, there is little evidence of investigations into other aspects highlighted in the model: attitudes of the political class towards political communications, the production of political communications before they reach the media and how they are received by the media, and their consumption by citizen‐voters in relation to the propensity to participate in politics. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
78.
79.
Van R. Johnston 《政策研究评论》2004,21(3):263-274
September 11 was the catalytic event that clearly demonstrated that transportation security was a virtual myth. We had obviously overinvested in efficiency-based mechanisms and procedures while the security and safety standards provided by effectiveness considerations were being increasingly ignored. This article analyzes the increasingly dangerous situation as it unfolded and provides an Emerging Entrepreneurial Management and Public Policy Model designed to provide insights towards rebalancing our transportation security and public policy considerations as we attempt to design, implement, and pay for optimal security systems to deal with the terrorism threats we face in the early twenty-first century. Rebalancing the model and the equations will require increased focus, will, and skills. It will also be a lot more expensive . . . in both the private and the public sectors. 相似文献
80.
Dennis Van Vranken Hickey 《当代中国》2004,13(40):461-478
This paper examines recent modifications in American policy toward the Republic of China (ROC or Taiwan). It contends that, while the George W. Bush Administration may have carried out a significant readjustment of US policy, available evidence suggests that it will not endorse any major upgrades in ties with Taipei during the foreseeable future. Like previous administrations, the Bush Administration now recognizes the value of engaging the People's Republic of China (PRC). This development holds important implications for the future trajectory of America's relations with Taiwan and the PRC and for peace and stability in the Western Pacific. 相似文献