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991.
There has been much debate regarding basic police training and its effect on the attitudes of police recruits. Some critics
argue that academy training creates negative attitudes in police recruits that favor arrest and crime attack orientations.
The data presented in this article suggest that police recruits from a large urban police training program possess attitudes
unfavorable toward crime attack or strict enforcement policing roles. The article examines a Los Angeles Police Department
recruit training class, and the perceptions these recruits have toward selected policing roles. The study suggests police
recruits do not perceive their role as simply being one of crime attack and strict enforcement. 相似文献
992.
Robert Agnew 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》1989,5(4):373-387
Agnew's (1985) revised strain theory argues that delinquency results from the inability to escape legally from painful or aversive situations. There is much indirect support for the theory, with experimental and survey data indicating that delinquency is associated with a wide variety of aversive situations. The experimental data, however, are of questionable generalizability and the survey data are primarily cross sectional in nature, leaving unresolved the issue of causal direction. This study examines the relationship between environmental adversity and delinquency using longitudinal data from a nationally representative sample of adolescent boys. A distribution-free method (arbitrary generalized least squares) is used to estimate a covariance structure model depicting a reciprocal relationship between adversity and delinquency. The results support the revised strain theory: environmental adversity has a causal effect on delinquency, but delinquency does not have an effect on adversity. 相似文献
993.
Robert Wintemute 《The Modern law review》2014,77(2):223-253
Is there a middle path between the existing case law of the European Court of Human Rights, which rarely requires accommodation of a religious individual's beliefs, and a ‘general right to conscientious objection’, which would exempt religious individuals from all anti‐discrimination and other rules interfering with manifestations of their beliefs? The author argues that failure to accommodate is better analysed as prima facie indirect discrimination, to highlight the exclusionary effects of non‐accommodation on religious minorities, and that the presence or absence of direct or indirect harm to others (or cost, disruption or inconvenience to the accommodating party) could guide case‐by‐case assessments of whether the prima facie indirect discrimination is justified. The author then applies a harm analysis to the examples of religious clothing or symbols and religiously motivated refusals to serve others, recently considered by the European Court of Human Rights in Eweida and Others v United Kingdom. 相似文献
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Geraint Hughes 《圆桌》2017,106(4):467-477
AbstractThe UK has continued to regard itself as a world power despite the reduction in its capability for intervention overseas. Its armed forces pride themselves on professionalism, competence and adaptability. In practice their involvement in peacekeeping operation has been sporadic given different priorities, defence cuts and public unease about military intervention overseas. The UK’s current involvement is minimal and the UK is likely to remain a marginal player for the foreseeable future. 相似文献
998.
In this paper, we argue that the occurrence of electoral manipulation in Russia has been driven, in part, by diffusion across neighboring raions through emulation, incentives, and networks. Presumably, in Putin’s Russia all local authorities have some incentives to deliver a high number of votes to United Russia, the “party of power”. However, the perceived pressure to deliver ever higher levels of support for Putin’s party arguably increases considerably if one’s raion is located in a region marked by extraordinarily high turnout and high vote share for United Russia. Conversely, the absence of perceived competition to curry executive favor through delivering votes and networks of uncorrupted local authorities, as well as local opposition organizations working to combat electoral fraud, may help explain the absence of fraud among raions located in regions marked by clean elections. Our quantitative analyses suggest that a “neighborhood effect” – the existence of manipulated raions within a region – strongly influences the likelihood that raions are manipulated. Moreover, although results are more mixed, spatial autocorrelation analysis suggests that turnout levels in raions are influenced by the turnout in proximate raions. 相似文献
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