首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   21084篇
  免费   622篇
各国政治   935篇
工人农民   797篇
世界政治   1882篇
外交国际关系   807篇
法律   11951篇
中国共产党   2篇
中国政治   95篇
政治理论   5028篇
综合类   209篇
  2021年   108篇
  2020年   263篇
  2019年   318篇
  2018年   441篇
  2017年   503篇
  2016年   561篇
  2015年   384篇
  2014年   402篇
  2013年   2294篇
  2012年   517篇
  2011年   519篇
  2010年   443篇
  2009年   510篇
  2008年   553篇
  2007年   582篇
  2006年   562篇
  2005年   520篇
  2004年   508篇
  2003年   535篇
  2002年   484篇
  2001年   754篇
  2000年   699篇
  1999年   570篇
  1998年   374篇
  1997年   310篇
  1996年   236篇
  1995年   271篇
  1994年   300篇
  1993年   275篇
  1992年   399篇
  1991年   414篇
  1990年   373篇
  1989年   401篇
  1988年   373篇
  1987年   394篇
  1986年   394篇
  1985年   396篇
  1984年   342篇
  1983年   361篇
  1982年   303篇
  1981年   285篇
  1980年   212篇
  1979年   284篇
  1978年   199篇
  1977年   177篇
  1976年   154篇
  1975年   142篇
  1974年   153篇
  1973年   138篇
  1972年   126篇
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
871.
This article explores how the overall policy system affects the operation of economic development programs by presenting a case study of the City of Chicago's Industrial Development Bond (IDB) program between 1977–1987. By comparing Chicago IDB recipients with a representative group of Chicago manufacturers, this case study reveals that IDBs went to a self-selected group of manufacturers of larger size, that were already growing, but belonged to declining manufacturing sectors. Overall, despite bold promises, IDB recipients created few new jobs.  相似文献   
872.
It is usual for electoral analysts to calculate the swing necessary at the next election to unseat a government, assuming that the swing is a uniform one. However, swings are not uniform. The non-uniform swing which would, on average, unseat a government is shown to be different from the uniform swing. For example, at the next Australian election for the House of Representatives, a uniform swing of 1.5 per cent against the current government would cause it to lose five seats, leaving it in a minority of 73 out of 148 seats, but a non-uniform swing of only 0.8 per cent would, on average, have the same effect. Implications of this variability for the size of the majority, the possibilities of a Parliament with an even number of seats being equally-divided, and the use of this analysis to detect gerrymandering and to correct for it, are considered.  相似文献   
873.
Robert J. Myers 《Society》1991,28(3):28-34
He is co-editor (with Kenneth W. Thompson) of Truth and Tragedy: A Festschrift for Hans J. Morgenthau,and editor of The Political Morality of the IMF.He is currently writing a book on Understanding Ethics.  相似文献   
874.
Books in review     
He is the author of Importing Foreign Workers: A Comparison of German and American Policy.  相似文献   
875.
The present government of Bangladesh has extensively reformed the administrative system and upgraded the previous thana to upazila (sub-district) to serve as the focal point of development administration. A new tier of local government called Upazila Parishad (UZP) has been created and a large number of functions have been devolved to this institution along with the placement of central government employees at its disposal. The reformers argue that the present system will remove the inadequacies of the previous administrative system and will bring about an improvement in the co-ordination of field services at the upazila level. However, the actual situation represents a totally different picture. The desired integration— both vertical and horizontal—and co-ordination in local level planning is non-existent due to the absence of any clear direction from the central government. Proper co-ordination among the field services in the upazila administration does not exist due to the anomalous relation between the upazila and the national government, including excessive central control; the involvement of multiple agencies of the central government in guiding and supervising; ambiguity in government thinking; the absence of clarification from the ministries concerned and agencies on the timing of different development programmes; and conflict over the allocation of resources. There is also conflict between the different tiers of local government in respect of authority and resources. Relations between public representatives and officials at the upazila level are strained because a clear allocation of authority to political executives is lacking; areas for co-operation among different agencies have not been clarified; and public representatives and government officials lack mutual respect.  相似文献   
876.
The Dutch Windward Islands are examined to see if they throw any light on the problems experienced when very small island communities try to come together to form a larger political unit. The Constitution of 1954, though federal in intent, was unitary in practice, with the main island, Curacao treating the others like municipalities. However the island authorities are capable of asserting themselves against the centre. They control implementation, raise revenue and receive local political support. Because of the small size of the populations and civil services involved, island and federal officials collaborate harmoniously. Leading individuals are important for development, notably St Maarten's Claude Wathey. New initiatives also require effective negotiations to deal with off-shore tourist organizations. However, there is little significant industry beyond tourism. In 1988 the three Dutch Windward Islands agreed to co-operate with each other. Decentralization within the largest island could help this cooperation as could a regional association along the lines of the South Pacific Forum.  相似文献   
877.
878.
Abstract: That there is some public responsibility for toxic waste management is a point widely taken for granted. However, there has been controversy over whether toxic waste management should become the responsibility primarily of a public corporation. Proposals for a public corporation to assume such responsibility have been advanced in Canada at the provincial level with widely varying outcomes. Through a comparison of three cases – British Columbia, Alberta, and Ontario – this article examines the salient issues in this policy debate and questions the prevailing mode of problem definition in order to propose a contrasting approach to public responsibility. Sommaire: On s'accorde généralement pour dire qu'il existe une certaine responsabilité publique face à la gestion des déchets toxiques. Par contre, la question de savoir si la responsabilité de gérer ces déchets devrait incomber surtout à une société d'État a fait, elle, l'objet de controverses. Dans les provinces où on a proposé qu'une société d'État prenne en charge cette responsabilité les résultats ont été fort variés. En comparant trois cas, ceux de la Colombie-Britannique, de l'Alberta et de l'Ontario, cet article examine les principales questions de ce débat et met en doute la façon actuelle de définir le problème, afin de proposer une approche différente en ce qui concerne la responsabilité publique.  相似文献   
879.
In Virginia, major differences between revenue forecasts and actual revenue collections raised questions from legislators about the adequacy of the state's econometric forecasting models and the forecasting process itself. Consequently, Virginia's process and models were examined by the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission (JLARC), a legislative watchdog agency. The review found most of the differences could be attributed to declining economic factors and not poor forecasting. However, a surprisingly large component of the forecast was based on undocumented judgmental inputs that required greater oversight. Other states in similar circumstances may wish to evaluate their own forecasting process and econometric models using the JLARC approach.  相似文献   
880.
Central to this article is the question, “Are tax expenditure reports used?” State legislators serving on tax committees in ten states were surveyed regarding their use and their perceptions of others' use of tax expenditure report information. Responses indicate (1) strong acceptance and broad use of report information; (2) purposes and policy stages of use characteristic of technical information use; and (3) use focused predominantly on resource acquisition (revenue) policy rather than resource allocation (budget) policy. Thus it appears that tax expenditure reporting does not operate to secure budgetary control over tax expenditures, and consequently tax expenditures continue largely to escape budget scrutiny.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号