The Adolescent Society Revisited: Cultures, Crowds, Climates, and Status Structures in Seven Secondary Schools

The authors used data from seven schools in a metropolitan region to explore continuity and change in adolescent cultures and status structures; they identified six major types of status structures and explained variation among them in terms of characteristics of communities and schools. A key feature of the study is comparison of school climates, using both survey data and qualitative case studies that provide an interpretive context for the survey responses; this methodology allows a contextual level of analysis that is unavailable in either single-school ethnographies or large data sets that aggregate responses from individuals situated in many schools.Roberta Garner is Professor of Sociology at DePaul University. She received a Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Chicago (1966). Her interests are in sociological theory, political sociology, and the sociology of culture.Judith Bootcheck is Associate Professor of Sociology at DePaul University and received the Ph.D. from Purdue University (1969). Her interests are in youth and the aging, families, and social problemsMichael Lorr is a Ph.D. student in Urban Studies at University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. He received an MA in sociology from DePaul (2002) and his interests are in sociology of culture, political sociology, and sociology of educationKathryn Rauch received an MA from DePaul University with a focus on sociology of education and youth     

Effects of girls' hormonal status on depressive and aggressive symptoms over the course of one year

Associations between hormonal and physical status and girls' depressive affect, aggressive affect, and delinquent behavior were studied over the course of one year. Seventy-two White girls, aged 10–14 at initial data collection, were seen twice. Endocrinological status (estradiol, luteinizing hormone [LH], folicle stimulating hormone [FSH], testosterone, and dehydroepiandosterone sulfate [DHEAS] at Time 1, physical development (menarche, secondary sexual characteristics) and maturational timing at Times 1 and 2 were used to predict self- and maternal reports of depressive affect, and self-reports of aggressive affect and delinquent behavior at Time 2. It was posited that initial endocrinological status, as represented by hormonal categories derived by Warren and Brooks-Gunn [(1989) Mood and Behavior at Adolescence: Evidence for Hormonal Factors, Journal of Clinical Endocrinology and Metabolism, Vol. 69, pp. 77–83] and reflecting estradiol, LH, and FSH levels, would be associated with affective expression and delinquent behavior one year later. DHEAS, however, was not expected to be associated with affective expression a year later as it is thought to be more indicative of adrenal changes that are in part environmentally mediated. Initial affective expression was hypothesized to account for more of the variation than prior hormonal status. Hormonal categories predicted depressive and aggressive affect a year later, while DHEAS, physical status, and maturational timing did not. Initial hormonal categories were associated with subsequent reports of delinquent behavior, although not after physical status or prior reports of delinquency were entered into the regression. Initial reports of affective expression accounted for a far greater proportion of the variance in aggressive affect and delinquent behavior than did hormonal or physical status.Received Ph.D. from Institute of Child Development, University of Minnesota. Research interests include the interpaly among developmental processes during the transitions into and out of adolescence.Received Ph.D. from University of Pennsylvania. Research interests include Girl's psychological adaptation to pubertal change, biosocial aspects of female reproductive events, development of biological and socially at risk children and adolescents.Research interests include: Reproductive endocrinology, anorexia nervosa, neuroendocrinology, adolescence.     

Social Bridges Falling Down: Reconstructing a ‘Troublesome Population’ of Battered Women through Individual Responsibilization Strategies

The Bridges work preparation program is a deliberate government-sponsored strategy to help and empower battered women to take responsibility for their own lives. However, while the Bridges program promotes the freedom to make choices, in reality there is little choice when powerful governments coerce battered women to align their personal choices with government goals. The Bridges work preparation program presents ultimatums to powerless women in the same way that male batterers present ultimatums to their female victims. Ultimatums to battered women in order to stay in the Bridges program are that they take individual responsibility to be free of their abusers, to be alcohol and drug free, to have their children in day care, and to be motivated to get employment. The Bridges program arguably puts too much responsibility on individual battered women to extricate themselves from the everyday lives of assault and violence and distances government from its social responsibility for helping battered women. In order to help battered women, governments must engage in social programs assisting them to relocate from one welfare office to another and assist with day care, transportation, and cash. This assistance will make disengaging from batterers a real alternative. Otherwise, alternatives for battered women are dependence on batterers or dependence on the state for social assistance.