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271.
Latin American environmentalism: Comparative views 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Catherine Christen Selene Herculano Kathryn Hochstetler Renae Prell Marie Price J. Timmons Roberts 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》1998,33(2):58-87
This article examines three common generalizations from the literature on Latin American environmentalism. The validity of
these generalizations, structured as hypotheses, is tested with four case studies from Costa Rica, Mexico, Venezuela, and
Brazil. The first generalization is that tensions arise between international environmentalists principally concerned with
wildlands conservation and national environmentalists engaged in a broader array of local and domestic issues including urban
environmental quality and access to natural resources. The second is that environmental groups in Latin America are elitist
in structure and participant base. The third is that the particular tactics employed by environmentalists will be closely
tied to the relative openness of their nation’s political system. Through a cross-disciplinary case study approach we find
the first two hypotheses quickly break down upon closer inspection, while the third is supported. We suggest a modified framework
for interpreting environmental activism in the region, one that weights the role of the state as well as the competing strategies
employed by grassroots, private voluntary, and professionalized environmental groups. Latin American environmentalism is highly
diverse, presenting many faces in different time periods and different countries. Developing one general theory of environmentalism
in Latin America is impossible, but more specific categorizations of the middle range may be achievable. 相似文献
272.
Alasdair Roberts 《Public administration review》2003,63(6):720-733
One of the principal motivations for the reinvention of many central governments over the last two decades is the need to deal with chronic budget deficits. As budget surpluses reappeared at the end of the 1990s, the pressure to restructure seemed to ease in some countries. However, observers suggested the relief was only temporary, and aging populations would soon put more stress on government budgets, creating a need for further retrenchment. This article assesses the vulnerability of three central governments—the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States—to aging-related fiscal stress. Because of institutional differences, the U.S. government is likely to be hit hardest by this demographic change. This may imply that public-sector reform will take a different path in the United States than it will in the United Kingdom or Canada. 相似文献
273.
The US Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit recently affirmedthe decision of the TTAB in denying Reed's registration of itsmark Lawyers.com as being generic. 相似文献
274.
Jonathan Roberts 《Canadian journal of African studies》2013,47(3):480-493
Historians of the Atlantic slave trade have argued that the inhabitants of the Gold Coast of West Africa participated in a system of cultural and material exchange during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries that resulted in the diffusion and syncretism of ideas and practices. This position presumes that the cultures of the Gold Coast were transformed by centuries of contact with the peoples of the Atlantic Rim. Despite the intensive commercial contact between Europeans and Africans during this period, the exchange of medical ideas, healing practices, and medical material cultures was limited by both the disease environment of West Africa and by the cultural chauvinism of surgeons and healers. This article will demonstrate the necessity of investigating local and particular changes to cultures before conjecturing about the larger outcomes of trans-Atlantic exchange. 相似文献
275.
Alexis E. Rischke Kim P. Roberts Heather L. Price 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2011,26(1):58-67
The present study assessed the progress of 13 investigative interviewers (child protection workers and police officers) before,
during, and after an intensive training program (n = 132 interviews). Training began with a 2-day workshop covering the principles
of child development and child-friendly interviewing. Interviewers then submitted interviews on a bi-weekly basis to which
they received written and verbal feedback over an 8-month period. A refresher session took place two months into training.
Interestingly, improvements were observed only after the refresher session. Interviews conducted post-refresher training contained
proportionally more open-ended questions, more child details in response to open-ended questions, and proportionally fewer
closed questions than interviews conducted prior to training and in the first half of the training program. The need for ‘spaced
learning’ may underlie why so many training programs have had little effect on practice. 相似文献
276.
There is an inherent contradiction between the basic building block of most nonmarket productive relationships—hierarchy—and the netcentric vision inspired by the architecture of modern information technology, especially the World Wide Web. This contradiction is explored by David Alberts and Richard Hayes in their book Power to the Edge: Command … Control … in the Information Age. The question has not yet been resolved. 相似文献
277.
In this paper, we construct a simple model that illustrates a perverse effect associated with plea bargaining in which an increase in sanctions can lead to reduced deterrence. This finding is derived from the interaction of binding budgetary constraints and plea bargaining. In an environment with these institutional features, higher sanctions are not always optimal when resources are limited, even if such sanctions are costless. Such potential phenomena may be useful in explaining the fact that many states have introduced limitations on plea bargaining. Prosecutors being concerned with their conviction rates is necessary for such a result to be present. 相似文献
278.
Erik Wibbels Kenneth Roberts 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2010,45(4):383-409
Researchers widely recognize that economic crises have important political consequences, yet there is little systematic research
on the political factors that make nations more or less susceptible to economic crisis. Scholars have long debated the economic
consequences of party systems, executive powers, and societal interest groups, but their relationships to crisis proclivity
are poorly understood. We assess the political correlates of economic crisis using a cross-sectional time-series analysis
of 17 Latin American countries over nearly three decades. Crises are measured along two dimensions—depth and duration—and
disaggregated into three types: inflationary, GDP, and fiscal crises. Statistical results suggest that political institutions
have a modest, and often unexpected, correlation with crises. More important than institutional attributes are social organization
and the nature of party-society linkages, particularly the existence of a densely-organized trade union movement and/or a
powerful leftist party. Strong unions and powerful parties of the left are associated with more severe economic crises, though
there is some evidence that the combination of left-labor strength can alleviate inflationary crises. The results demonstrate the need to disaggregate the concept of
economic crisis and incorporate the societal dimension when studying the political economy of crisis and reform. 相似文献
279.
280.
Simon Roberts 《The Modern law review》2005,68(1):1-24
For the greater part of the 20th century, representations of law as state law were dominant in the legal scholarship of the West. But over the last thirty years sustained attempts have been made, notably under the self-conscious banner of legal pluralism, to loosen the conceptual bonds between law and government. Early on, acephalous societies in formerly colonial territories and local groupings within the metropolis were represented as legal orders. Latterly, as attention shifted to orderings at regional and global level beyond the nation state, attempts have been made to delineate a general jurisprudence. It is argued here that these conceptual revisions have for the most part been problematic, made in the face of strong evidence linking the cultural assemblage we have come to call law with projects of government. The lecture concludes with a plea that we should be very cautious in representing what are essentially negotiated orders, whether at local or global level, as legal orders; these remain significantly different from those at the level of the state. Today, under an onslaught of jural discourse and institutional design, the distinctive rationalities and values of negotiated order, while arguably deserving to be celebrated, are effectively effaced. 相似文献