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31.
Alasdair Roberts 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1996,39(4):489-523
Abstract: In 1989, the Canadian government announced a plan to reform the federal public service that would reduce the number of rules imposed on line managers and promote a “results-oriented, entrepreneurial” culture. Public discussion about the reforms was dominated by a community of groups and individuals, which the author characterizes as a “control lobby.” Constituents of the control lobby worried that the proposed reforms would undermine parliamentary control over the public service and increase bureaucratic misconduct. The lobby slowed implementation of, and caused modifications to, institutional reforms and undercut efforts towards culture change. The attention that it gave to incidents of perceived misconduct may also have reinforced popular beliefs about the dangers of reform. The paper describes the key members of the control lobby, their reaction to the PS 2000 reforms and attempts by reform leaders to respond to their concerns. It suggests that a major weakness of the PS 2000 initiative was its failure to anticipate and craft a response to worries expressed by the control lobby. Sommaire: En 1989, le gouvernement canadien a annoncé un plan de réforme de la Fonction publique fédérale visant à réduire le nombre de règles régissant les gérants hiérarchiques et à promouvoir un «esprit d'entreprise axé sur les résultats». Le débat public concernant ces réformes a été dominé par un ensemble de groupes et d'individus caractérisés par l'auteur comme étant des partisans du contrôle. Ces derniers s'inquiétaient du fait que les réformes proposées risquaient de soustraire la fonction publique au contrôle parlementaire et d'augmenter les vicissitudes bureaucratiques. Ce groupe de pression a ralenti la mise en oeuvre des réformes institutionnelles et les a modifiées, et il a sapé les efforts visant à faire évoluer les esprits. Ayant attiré l'attention sur les incidents où il semblait y avoir un comportement incorrect des fonctionnaires, il a peut-être aussi réussi à renforcer les croyances populaires concernant le danger des réformes. L'article décrit les principaux membres de ce groupe de pression, leur réaction face aux réformes de la FP 2000, et les efforts des leaders de la réforme pour répondre à leurs inquiétudes. II suggère que le fait de ne pas avoir prévu les inquiétudes exprimées par les partisans du contrôle et de ne pas avoir préparé de réponse adéquate constitue une faiblesse importante de l'initiative FP 2000. 相似文献
32.
Keeping Public Officials Accountable through Dialogue: Resolving the Accountability Paradox 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
Nancy C. Roberts 《Public administration review》2002,62(6):658-669
33.
Alan Roberts 《Democracy & Nature》2000,6(3):447-461
When a new property is required to characterise an altered system, it is said to be 'emergent'. The fundamental importance of emergence for social activists is stressed. It is proposed that we deepen our understanding of it by examining well-understood processes to see exactly how new properties emerge in them. Reasons are given for hoping that this approach can be more fruitful now than in past eras. To illustrate the method, a simple case is examined which brings out inter alia the role of the environment and the precise way that a continuous process underlies the abrupt emergence. The results appear encouraging enough to stimulate further studies along these lines, and it is suggested where suitable cases can be found. 相似文献
34.
Michèle Roberts 《Feminist Review(on-Line)》1999,62(1):113-117
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Three questions relevant to insanity decisions were examined: (a) What informational cues are weighed most heavily in the attribution of criminal responsibility? (b) How do verdict forms influence these attributions? And (c) How do individuals' beliefs about insanity and responsibility influence decision making? Undergraduate subjects (n=181) responded to vignettes portraying an act by a mentally disordered defendant. Psychiatric jargon was avoided, so that attributions were not a function of diagnostic terminology. It was found that, under the traditional scheme of not guilty by reason of insanity (NGRI) vs. guilty, level of mental disorder (schizophrenia vs. personality disorder) was the primary determinant of insanity decisions. Also, insanity judgments were more likely to be made for acts performed without planful intentionality. Under the alternative scheme of NGRI vs. guilty but mentally ill (GBMI) vs. guilty, mental disorder still controlled NGRI verdicts; a bizarre act increased the likelihood of a GBMI over a guilty verdict; and the GBMI verdict option reduced markedly the proportion of psychotic defendants found NGRI and the proportion of personality disordered defendants found guilty. There were no significant differences between diagnostic groups in the likelihood of being found GBMI. Most subjects preferred to utilize the GBMI option as a compromise verdict even in the face of very severe mental illness. Attitudinal data revealed considerable variation in agreement with the classic moral logic of the insanity defense and accounted for a significant amount of the variance in insanity decisions. The implications for both social policy and future research are discussed. 相似文献
37.
Shaun L. Gabbidon Leslie K. Kowal Kareem L. Jordan Jennifer L. Roberts Nancy Vincenzi 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2008,33(1):59-68
This paper examines race-based peremptory challenges. Such challenges occur during the voir dire jury selection process. The process allows both the defense and the prosecution to strike jurors who they believe will not
decide cases fairly. However, in the case of Batson v. Kentucky 476 U.S. 79 (1986), the Supreme Court ruled that race could not be used as a factor in eliminating prospective jurors. This
paper examines federal litigation for five years in which it was alleged that race was used as a factor in removing a juror.
An examination of the cases revealed that most of the cases involved sole male litigants who allege that there were multiple
race-based peremptory challenges used in their cases. Moreover, most of the cases that led to the allegations involved violent
offenses. Other case characteristics are noted, but of most significance was the finding that most appellants lost their cases.
As such, the courts felt that most of the challenges were, in fact, race neutral. The implications of this research are discussed.
This study was funded by an undergraduate research grant from Penn State University. 相似文献
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40.
Dorothy E Roberts 《The Journal of law, medicine & ethics》2008,36(3):537-545
This article presents a preliminary framework for exploring the intersection of science and racial politics in the public debate about race-based pharmaceuticals, especially among African Americans. It examines the influence of three political approaches to race consciousness on evaluations of racial medicine and offers an alternative critique. 相似文献