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971.
972.
Daniel B. Klein 《Society》2010,47(2):83-84
It seems like a small and perhaps shrinking minority of economists know reverence of individual figures. Most economists seem
to be without heroes, and sometimes disparage reverence as cultish idolatry. Here I collect from Michael Polanyi’s The Study of Man (1959) a few passages that eloquently suggest that “we need reverence to perceive greatness, even as we need a telescope
to observe spiral nebulae.” The selection is made in the defense of seeking out and communing with great minds. 相似文献
973.
Robert A. Campbell 《Society》2010,47(4):322-327
The concept of fair use was introduced in the Copyright Act of 1976 as a means of allowing limited free access to copyrighted
material. However, the application of fair use principles in the adjudication of infringement cases has demonstrated a fundamental
problem in our approach to intellectual property rights. In much the same way as Hardin recognized a tragedy of the commons,
continued efforts to make decisions based on the fair use doctrine run the risk of creating an information anti-commons. 相似文献
974.
975.
Simon Shen 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2010,15(2):191-203
This article examines the next stage in the movement towards self-government in rural China: that is, the direct election
of town-level executives. Theoretically, as the article asserts, with the mechanisms and statutes currently in place, direct
elections at the town level could generate a two-pronged disaffection. First, there may be alienation between the executives
directly elected at the town level and those already directly elected at the village level, namely a “vertical organizational
alienation.” Second, there may be alienation between the directly elected “town executives” and the town legislature (People’s
Congress), namely a “horizontal governmental alienation.” After describing the possible points of confrontation, the article
concludes by proposing how such discord can be prevented from arising and suggests that until the potential problems attendant
on these elections have been successfully tackled direct elections at the town level should not be extended into other regions. 相似文献
976.
977.
Karl Widerquist 《Human Rights Review》2010,11(1):83-103
The article discusses the conditions under which can we say that people enter the economic system voluntarily. “The Need for
an Exit Option” briefly explains the philosophical argument that voluntary interaction requires an exit option—a reasonable
alternative to participation in the projects of others. “The Treatment of Effective Forced Labor in Economic and Political Theory” considers the treatment of effectively forced interaction in economic and political theory. “Human Need” discusses theories of human need to determine the capabilities a person requires to have an acceptable exit option. “Capability in Cash, Kind, or Raw Resources” considers what form access to that level of capability should take—in cash, kind, or raw resources, concluding that a basic
income guarantee is the most effective method to ensure an exit option in a modern, industrial economy. 相似文献
978.
979.
Ari Kohen 《Human Rights Review》2010,11(1):65-82
What sort of person chooses to remain in a place like Rwanda when an easy exit is offered, when leaving seems the only safe or sane option, and when one is not directly connected to the would-be victims? And how does this person come to develop a circle of care that is expansive enough to include those who are radically Other? In what follows, I consider these questions through a detailed examination of the recent example of Paul Rusesabagina, the Hutu hotel manager in Kigali, Rwanda, who sheltered more than a thousand Tutsi and moderate Hutu refugees during the hundred-day genocide. I argue that Rusesabagina was primarily motivated by an awareness of his own mortality, his personal history, a desire to distance himself from the negative behavior of Hutu like himself, and a strong identification with the Tutsi refugees under his protection. 相似文献
980.
Then newly elected Labor Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, made a historic statement of “Sorry” for past injustices to Australian
Indigenous peoples at the opening of the 2008 federal parliament. In the long-standing absence of a constitutional ‘foundational
principle’ to shape positive federal initiatives in this context, there has been speculation that the emphatic Sorry Statement
may presage formal constitutional recognition. The debate is long overdue in a nation that only overturned the legal fiction
of terra nullius and recognised native title to lan with the High Court’s decision in Mabo in 1992. This article explores
the implications of the Sorry Statement in the context of reparations for the generations removed from their families under
assimilation policies (known since the Bringing Them Home Inquiry as the Stolen Generations). We draw out the utility of recent human rights statutes—such as the Human Rights Act 2004 (ACT)—as a mechanism for facilitating justice, including compensation for past wrongs. Our primary concern here is whether
existing legal processes in Australia hold further capacity to provide reparation for Australian Indigenous peoples or whether
their potential in that regard is already exhausted. We compare common law and statutory developments in other international
jurisdictions, such as Canada, as an indication of what can be achieved by the law to facilitate better legal, economic and
social outcomes for Indigenous peoples. The year 2008 also saw Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper express his apology
to residential school victims in the Canadian Parliament, providing thematic and symbolic echoes across these two former colonies,
which, despite remaining under the British monarchy, both forge their own path into the future, while confronting their own
unique colonial past. We suggest that the momentum provided by the recent public apology and statement of “Sorry” by the newly
elected Australian Prime Minister must not be lost. This symbolic utterance as a first act of the 2008 parliamentary year
stood in stark contrast to the long-standing recalcitrance of the former Prime Minister John Howard on the matter of a formal
apology. Rather than a return to a law enforcement-inspired “three strikes and you’re out” approach, Australia stands poised
for an overdue constitutional and human rights-inspired “three ‘sorries’ and you’re in”. 相似文献