首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   17331篇
  免费   637篇
  国内免费   5篇
各国政治   783篇
工人农民   805篇
世界政治   1211篇
外交国际关系   594篇
法律   11072篇
中国共产党   6篇
中国政治   157篇
政治理论   3175篇
综合类   170篇
  2021年   117篇
  2020年   260篇
  2019年   312篇
  2018年   414篇
  2017年   486篇
  2016年   469篇
  2015年   347篇
  2014年   362篇
  2013年   1666篇
  2012年   493篇
  2011年   523篇
  2010年   415篇
  2009年   421篇
  2008年   530篇
  2007年   570篇
  2006年   552篇
  2005年   496篇
  2004年   492篇
  2003年   524篇
  2002年   446篇
  2001年   679篇
  2000年   549篇
  1999年   479篇
  1998年   245篇
  1997年   168篇
  1996年   202篇
  1995年   171篇
  1994年   198篇
  1993年   196篇
  1992年   322篇
  1991年   355篇
  1990年   339篇
  1989年   281篇
  1988年   322篇
  1987年   271篇
  1986年   317篇
  1985年   280篇
  1984年   230篇
  1983年   219篇
  1982年   175篇
  1981年   190篇
  1980年   127篇
  1979年   171篇
  1978年   123篇
  1977年   106篇
  1975年   123篇
  1974年   132篇
  1973年   103篇
  1972年   102篇
  1969年   98篇
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
881.
The debate between proponents of metropolitan consolidation and polyarchic fragmentation poses many conflicting arguments, offers varied hypotheses, and reaches multiple conclusions about the effects of political structures and institutional arrangements on democratic governance. Despite varied and widespread attention to the topic, however, little resolution has been offered to appease either side. Additionally problematic is that implicit in both of these schools of research is the assumption that efficiency, whether achieved in fragmented or consolidated settings, is the prime preference of the citizenry. In this article, I specifically pursue the following research question: How do jurisdictional and metropolitan configurations influence the responsiveness of urban governments to public opinion? My findings illustrate that not only is considering the effect of metro place on city space a necessary and important pursuit, but a broader conceptualization of citizen preferences is of critical importance to scholars of urban politics, especially when assumptions about public opinion motivate choices about institutional sizes and structures.  相似文献   
882.
近年来,俄中的战略合作伙伴关系有了进一步发展。2001年俄罗斯经济发展指标反映了其社会、经济发展状况,俄罗斯实施了一系列行政改革的措施。国家公务员学院的研究领域更加宽泛。  相似文献   
883.
884.
List  John A.  Bulte  Erwin H.  Shogren  Jason F. 《Public Choice》2002,111(3-4):303-315
An important public policy question that remains unresolved iswhether devolution will enhance sensible policy making byexploiting informational asymmetries or, instead, trigger a``beggar thy neighbor'' response and stimulate free ridingamongst localities. We analyze this question within theframework of U.S. environmental policymaking by scrutinizing aunique panel data set on state-level endangered speciesexpenditure patterns. Our empirical estimates are consistentwith the notion that states free ride, which may lead to anexpenditure equilibrium that is not Pareto efficient.  相似文献   
885.
886.
887.
How do German ministries manage the preparation of national negotiation positions for EU intergovernmental conference? After a survey of the debate on organizational deficits of the interministerial coordination in Germany, we are consulting decision- and organization-theoretic approaches in IR. Drawing on organizational economics we concretise and supplement these older frameworks. We conceive the management of a governmental organization as a specific aggregation of heterogeneous preferences and information. Applying social network analysis we take into account formal as well as informal aspects of coordination channels. The objective of this article is to make visible the complex structures and processes that constitute foreign policy making, and to provide a preliminary assessment of its efficiency.  相似文献   
888.
Numerous sociological studies describe the status of contemporary liberal democracy as frightening. Taking up these investigations, this article asks for the pre-conditions of liberal democracy, particularly for their moral foundations. In contrast to the classic political theory of liberalism, these moral foundations are not assumed to be locked in the institutional order of the state, but in a certain morality of the citizens. The first target of the investigation is to proof that a moral quality of the citizens is a necessary prerequisite for the persistence of a liberal democracy. The second aim of the work is to show how these moral orientations (liberal virtues) should be shaped within each citizen. This is clarified by discussing three liberal thinkers (Charles Larmore, John Rawls, and Ralf Dahrendorf). The so distilled central liberal virtue is formulated as follows: The political convictions of the citizens must be justifiable for everybody, i.e. also to citizens with a different world view. Political convictions and values, which are expressed during the political process and which influence the voting-behaviour, should therefore not rely exclusively on one’s own set of moral values. The work closes with a discussion of the implications of this normative claim.  相似文献   
889.
Paul A. Lewis 《政治学》2002,22(1):17-23
Researchers in political science are devoting increasing attention to the ontological commitments of their theories – that is, to what those theories presuppose about the nature of the political world. This article focuses on a recent contribution to this 'ontological turn' in political science ( Sibeon, 1999 ). Tensions are identified in Sibeon's account of the causal interplay between agency and social structure. It is argued that these tensions can be resolved by reflecting explicitly on ontological issues, in particular the causal efficacy of social structure, using a particular approach to the philosophy of the social sciences known as critical realism. The value of such reflection for the explanatory power of political analysis is highlighted.  相似文献   
890.
Krane  Dale A. 《Publius》2002,32(4):1-28
The past year has been one of repeated shocks to governmentand the larger society. Terrorist attacks in New York City andWashington, D. C., the burst of the dot.com bubble in the stockmarket, a wave of corporate scandals, and a slowdown in theeconomy posed severe problems for officials of all governmentsin the federal system. The combined effects of the war on terrorismand the economic turmoil forced federal policymakers to createnew agencies and to enact new policies. State and local governmentsalso responded to the multiple shocks with a variety of initiatives,often independent of Washington. Instead of a move toward centralizationthat might have been predicted as a consequence of the seriousshocks, all elements of the American federal system demonstrateda capacity and energy to marshal resources in a time of urgency.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号