L'évolution de la structure de gestion des affaires intergouvernementales au IMouveau-Brunswick: 1960–90

Sommaire: Les relations intergouvernementales du Nouveau-Brunswick ont-elles connu au cours des trois dernieres decennies des transformations de fond? Presque inexistant au debut des annees 1960, ce secteur de l'activite gouvernementale s'est developpe graduellement pour devenir, apres la victoire des Liberaux de Frank McKenna en 1987, un ministere a part entiere. Le present article se propose de decrire revolution et de determiner les principaux facteurs susceptibles d'expliquer l'absence de structures autonomes de gestion des affaires intergouvernementales de la province. Pourtant, les gouvernements Robichaud des annees 1960 et Hatfield des annees 1970 et 1980 ont souvent ete les initiateurs de projets de modernisation de l'activite gouvernementale. Comment expliquer alors qu'ils aient autant tarde a organiser la gestion des relations intergouvernementales? Ces decisions relevent-elles davantage de la societe neo-brunswickoise que de ses dirigeants politiques? En plus d'avoir consulte litterature et documentation sur le sujet, nous avons interroge plusieurs hauts fonctionnaires et hommes politiques des anciens et du present gouvernements. Un large consensus se degage parmi eux: la direction des relations intergouvernementales, etroitement controlee par les premiers ministres, leur Bureau et, a l'occasion, le Secretariat du Conseil des ministres, n'a pas souffert outre mesure de l'absence d'une bureaucratie plus structured. En depit de la recente creation du ministere des Affaires intergouvernementales, on constate que la gestion de ces affaires n'aurait pas beaucoup change pour autant. C'est toujours au Bureau du Premier ministre que sont prises les decisions cles en la matiere. Abstract: Did New Brunswick intergovernmental relations undergo fundamental changes over the last three decades? Virtually non-existent in the early 1960s, this government acrtivity sector developed gradually, emerging as a full-fledged ministry following the vitory of Frank McKenna's Liberals in 1987. The purpose of this article is to describe that change and to determine the main factors that could explain the lack of autonomous structures for managing the province's intergovernmental affairs. However, the Robichaud government in the 1960 and the hatfield government in the 1970s and 1980s often launched projects to modernize government activities. How should one therefore explain the fact that they were so late in organizing the management of intergovernmental relations? Do these decisions result more fron New Brunswick society than from its political leaders? In order to consult the relevant literture and documentation, we interviewed several high officials and politicians from current and past governments. Ther is a broad consensus among them: the management of intergovernmental relations, closely controlled by the premiers, their offices and, occasionally, the secretariat of cabinet, has not been particularly affected by the lack of a more structured bureaucracy. In spite of the recent creation of the Ministry of Intergovernmental Affairs, the management of those affairs would not appear to have changed a great deal. It is still within the premier's office that the key decisions in this field are made.     

“The Sore That would Never HeaL”: The Genesis of the Polish Corridor

This paper consists of an examination of the historic and ethnographic origins of the Polish Corridor question and of the various suggestions proposed for its equitable solution in the aftermath of World War One. It outlines the negotiations and memoranda devoted to the issue at the Versailles Conference and, in particular, the role played by the British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George. It concludes that the result of these deliberations was as much the product of international tensions and a collective failure of vision as of any coherent planning or policy.     

“A Sacred Duty”: Red Army Women Veterans Remembering the Great Fatherland War, 1941–1945

Some 500,000 women fought with the Red Army in the Great Fatherland War, 1941‐1945. Based on a selection of women veterans’ memoirs published since the demise of the Soviet Union, this article looks at what these women choose to remember about the war, and how, and equally what they choose to forget or remain silent about. The paper seeks to illuminate shared or disparate collective and individual memory and experiences. A particular objective of the paper is to assess the degree to which these written recollections coincide with or deviate from the predominant patriotic, heroic, masculine paradigm of the Great Fatherland War and its historiography. The overall objective of the paper is to humanise the female faces behind the masculine mask of the Red Army at war against Nazism.     

The role of social science in crime and delinquency policy

Abstract. At present in Canada we are facing an era of increasing change, not only of the institutions and systems within our society, but in the values of both individuals and groups in society itself. These changes are perhaps nowhere more apparent than in the increasing crises and problems in the administration of justice in Canada. Given the many impacts of technology, increased communication and urbanization, the future of the society, of crime, and of the administration of justice are extremely uncertain. As discussed in the paper, in responding to this uncertainty those guiding the criminal justice system have a triple responsibility: to the public, to the offenders, and to the staff of the system itself. However, as I suggest, there are some major difficulties in carrying out these responsibilities. The paper then reviews the past application of social science to crime and delinquency policy in Canada. As I suggest, the contribution of social scientific research to the administration of justice has been minimal, probably because of limited resources and a lack of good information and statistics. Even if these problems were not present, there are other important problems facing the application of social science to this policy area in the future. The paper describes problems as the negative result, which seems to dominate social scientific results and does not encourage administrators to return for more advice, since typically the advice is either, we don't know, or the way we have been proceeding is wrong. The paper concludes by suggesting some alternatives for improving the interface between social science and social policy in the future. Sommaire. A l'heure actuelle nous traversons au Canada une ère de changement croissant, non seulement dans les institutions et les systèmes au sera de notre société, mais aussi dans les valeurs fondamentales des individus et des groupes. Ces crises et changements croissants se manifestent peut-être davantage dans l'administration de la justice que dans toute autre activité au pays. Vu les nombreuses influences de la technologic, des communications accrues et de l'urbanisation, l'avenir de la société, de la criminalité, et de la justice sont extrêmement incertains. Les personnes chargées de guider le système de justice pénale ont, comme en discute mon exposé, une triple responsabilité: envers le public, envers les délinquants et envers le personnel du système lui-même. Toutefois, certaines difficultés majeures entravent l'exercice de ces responsabilités. Dans le même exposé, j'examine ensuite l'application des sciences humaines aux politiques concernant la criminalité et la délinquance au Canada. J'ai trouvé plutôt minime la contribution que la recherche en sciences humaines a apportée à l'administration de la justice, à cause peut-être de ressources limitées et de manque de bonnes données et de statistiques. Même si les problèmes susmentionnés étaient absents, il existe néanmoins d'autres problèmes importants que devra surmonter à 1'avenir l'application des sciences humaines aux politiques concernant la criminalité et la délinquance. Les problèmes sont décrits dans mon exposé comme étant le résultat négatif qui parait caractériser la recherche en sciences humaines et qui décourage les administrateurs à solliciter d'autres conseils, vu que typiquement ont leur répond: ‘nous ne savons pas’ ou bien ‘la voie suivie jusqu'ici est mauvaise.’ Pour conclure, 1'exposé suggère quelques solutions de rechange en vue d'améliorer à l'avenir la liaison entre les sciences humaines et la politique sociale.     

Sir Henry Bland and the Fraser Government's Administrative Review Committee: Another Chapter in the Statutory Authority Wars?

The release of the 1976 Commonwealth cabinet records on 1 January 2007 provided the opportunity to review the work of the Administrative Review Committee (ARC) appointed by the Fraser government and headed by Sir Henry Bland and so to open up a hitherto little appreciated chapter in Australian administrative history. At first glance, it appeared that Bland's ARC had been strongly opposed to widespread use of statutory authorities, for so long a regular part of Australia's machinery of government, thus providing an interesting point of comparison with the Uhrig inquiry of 2003-04, which attracted much notice for its antipathy towards statutorily independent agencies. Given the unusual methodology of the ARC, it was also likely that an account of its work would shed further light on public inquiries generally, perhaps assisting in development of a typology of such inquiries.