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201.
用来支持和维系现有社会关系的在线交流越来越多地融入到人们的日常生活中。文章研究调查了与偏爱当面交流、电话通讯和在线交流相关的因素。对强调关系来源、关系亲密程度和沟通内容会影响青少年选择何种沟通渠道的背景框架进行了实证检验。 相似文献
202.
R.E. Martinez M.L. Bravo S.I. Polo L. Gusmão 《Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series》2008,1(1):153-154
The X linked short tandem repeats (STR) markers have proven to be very useful tools for paternity testing when the disputed child is female. The purpose of this study was to describe the genetic polymorphism of four X-chromosomal STR loci (DXS6797, DXS6800, HPRTB and GATA172D05) in a Peruvian population sample and evaluate their efficiency in forensic practice and paternity testing. 相似文献
203.
J. Matthew Tyrone Franklin G. Mixon Jr Len J. Treviño Taisa C. Minto 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2003,16(3):345-355
The present study extends the work of Crain and Goff (1988) by examining the political determinants of the earliest decision to adopt legislative television on a permanent basis at the national level in the United States. Data on legislator and district characteristics are used to explain the 1977 vote to adopt C-SPAN coverage of proceedings in the U.S. House of Representatives. Logit regression results suggest that length of service and extremity of political views/ideologies had clear and significant effects on politicians' votes concerning the adoption of legislative television. As with Crain and Goff (1988), these measures capture some element of legislator self-interest. 相似文献
204.
205.
Román D. Ortiz 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(2):127-143
This article analyzes the adaptation of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) to the post-Cold War strategic scene. In this process of change the Colombian guerrilla organization has broken away from the traditional behavior patterns of Latin American armed groups in four key ways. First, the FARC has reduced the rigidity of its ideology in order to make its political message more attractive. Second, it has made a great effort to boost its military potential. Third, it has established independent channels of funding and arms supply. Finally, the Colombian rebels have developed a very decentralized organic structure that nevertheless maintains a sufficient degree of cohesion. These innovations have made the FARC a new model of insurgency that has managed to corner the Bogota government and destabilize a significant part of the Andean region. 相似文献
206.
Mark Carl Rom 《Public administration review》2009,69(4):640-650
The credit rating agencies (CRAs) were an important component of the subprime mess. This article describes what the CRAs are, what they do, what roles they play, and how they fit into the regulatory system. It outlines the types of mortgage securities that the CRAs rate and outlines the evolution of the subprime mess. It then assesses three prime suspects in the CRAs' problems: incentives, ignorance, and stress. The author concludes that all three factors were important, that public officials were slow to react, and that additional safeguards have been put into place to prevent such problems in the future.
相似文献
I feel that the rating agencies are somewhat of a mystically anointed monopoly, not unlike our good friends Fannie and Freddie, but with even less accountability.
—Representative Richard H. Baker, 2005
Everyone assumed the credit agencies knew what they were doing.
—Joseph Mason, credit expert at Drexel University, 2008
207.
Verónica Gomes Leonor Gusmão António Piçarra Maria João Prata 《Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series》2008,1(1):208-209
Sickle cell anemia (HBB*S) and glucose-6-phosphatedehydrogenase (G6PD) deficiency, present a clinal distribution in Portugal, being more frequent in the South and showing foci of high prevalence in some places from Alentejo such as Coruche and Pias. Since the reconstruction of the evolutionary history of G6PD deficiency alleles and HBB*S lead to conclude that Sub-Saharan Africa was the place of origin of many of them, it is likely that at least some were introduced in Alentejo by Sub-Saharan individuals whose presence in the region is known to have had considerable demographic impact. To evaluate the male mediated Sub-Saharan influence in present-day populations from Coruche and Pias, we have performed a high resolution analysis of 16 Y-STRs and 23 Y-SNPs in 91 males from Coruche and 54 from Pias. The results showed the absence of haplogroups of Sub-Saharan origin and a Y-chromosome composition basically not differing from those previously reported for other Portuguese mainland regions. Therefore, from the forensic point of view the studied populations can be dealt without special concerns. 相似文献
208.
Salvador Darío Bergel 《Revista de derecho y genoma humano》2005,(22):49-56
Although the United Nation's Declaration on the Cloning of Human Beings has prohibited the cloning of human beings, the narration of the norm has not meant a strict and clear prohibition of the ban. Additionally, the text was not adopted by a wide majority of the member States and that means that it is a mere declaratory text that leaves open the debate on therapeutic cloning. 相似文献
209.
210.
Alfredo G A Valladão 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2006,19(2):243-260
The emergence of an ‘American democratic empire’, rising from the global informational and transportation revolution, that has its epicentre situated on the territory of the United States (US), has produced a profound metamorphosis in world affairs. National power elites, including those in America, are confronting a dilemma. They are compelled to accept, favour and even defend the so-called globalisation process in order to avoid further erosion of their economic and political power. On the other hand, this process is also directly threatening this same power. The paradox is that the US is the main promoter and defender of last resort of the new global ‘order’, which at the same time is restricting its own margins for sovereign action. The ‘democratic empire’ is thus fostering the rise of a democratic hegemonism at the expense of a ‘US hegemonism’. This democratic hegemonism is a gradually rising—and fragile—consensus on a proliferating set of perceptions and values, stressing individual freedom, responsibility and political and social activism. This consensus arises from the material possibilities of a more individualistic way of life and the increasing capacity of single individuals or organised groups to participate in global and local political decision-making processes. This is a process that favours the empowerment of interest groups whose reference is no longer solely the nation-state. Hence, traditional power elites are progressively losing their ability to present themselves as the ultimate embodiment of a national ‘general interest’. The irony of the seemingly intractable contradiction between US hegemonism and democratic hegemonism is that the actual spreading of the logic of the latter is closely dependent on US power and willingness to defend its own national interest. The greatest challenge for the coming decades will be the construction of supranational governance institutions under democratic hegemony, so as to avoid a classic imperial self-isolation of the US—a situation that would trigger the inevitable demise of democratic hegemonism and, for the time being, of any order as such. 相似文献