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251.
AbstractThe 2019 Portuguese general elections have led to the formation of another minority government of the Socialist Party. Right-wing parties suffered a resounding defeat. The election had two key consequences. First, after four years of contract parliamentarism with an extreme-left party, the Socialists returned to their historical position of pivotal party in the system. Socialist leader Costa refused to replicate alliances with parties to his left. Second, the 2019 election witnessed the emergence of three new parties, Chega, Iniciativa Liberal and Livre. The election of Chega marks a watershed moment in Portuguese democratic history, as for the first time an extreme-right populist party has gained representation in the country. 相似文献
252.
253.
Public Choice - Many political systems with direct democracy mechanisms have adopted rules preventing decisions from being made by simple majority rule. The device added most commonly to majority... 相似文献
254.
ABSTRACT Even though pedophilia is not synonymous with child sexual abuse, it remains a highly stigmatized phenomenon. As such, non-offending pedophilic individuals are judged as being dangerous, abnormal, amoral, and in need of punishment. It is unknown, however, whether a pedophilic individual would be judged more harshly than a heterosexual individual and a homosexual individual in relation to a nonsexual, nonviolent offense. This was the aim of the present study. A final sample of 309 participants were recruited online and allocated to one of three sexual orientation conditions. Participants read the same hypothetical crime report (breaking and entering) followed by a suspect profile that was identical across conditions except for sexual orientation. They then provided sentencing and moral character judgements of the suspect. Participants also completed a punitive attitudes scale pertaining to pedophilia. Results showed that the pedophilic individual received harsher judgments relative to the heterosexual individual, but only at higher levels of pre-existing punitive attitudes. These findings suggest that anti-pedophilia stigma can bias judgments about offenses that are not sexual. We argue that this is due to a ‘reverse halo effect’. However, we consider an alternative explanation based on the idea of interpreting information in a schema-consistent manner. Limitations and suggestions for future research are discussed. 相似文献
255.
Allele and haplotype frequencies of seven Y-chromosome STR loci were determined from a sample of 95 and 16 unrelated males from Madeira and Porto Santo Islands, respectively. 相似文献
256.
Support for Democracy in Times of Crisis: Diffuse and Specific Regime Support in Portugal and Greece
Conceição Pequito Teixeira Emmanouil Tsatsanis Ana Maria Belchior 《South European society & politics》2014,19(4):501-518
In the context of a cross-national economic crisis, questions about democratic legitimacy are again topical. We explore the question of democratic legitimacy in Portugal and Greece by employing the conceptual differentiation between diffuse and specific regime support. Our findings indicate that while specific support has fallen in both countries, only Greece has experienced a precipitous fall in diffuse support, suggesting a link between regime performance and support for democracy. Individual-level analyses do not reveal any clear patterns concerning the impact of long-term societal factors or short-term economic considerations. Due to data quality limitations the paper has a predominately exploratory nature. 相似文献
257.
Lourenço S. Paz 《发展研究杂志》2014,50(9):1261-1274
AbstractA major obstacle in the estimation of inter-industry (vertical) productivity spillovers is the need of an exogenous productivity shock. In this article, I propose the use of trade policy changes as a large productivity shock, since the literature has found evidence that trade liberalisations increase industry-level productivity. To do so, I develop a new empirical methodology using spatial econometrics, and apply it to the large economy-wide shock represented by the 1989–1998 Brazilian trade liberalisation. My results indicate the existence of positive and substantial upstream productivity spillovers. Nevertheless, no evidence of downstream productivity spillovers is found. 相似文献
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259.
João Márcio Mendes Pereira 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(5):818-839
This article analyses the agenda of the World Bank after the Washington Consensus, arguing that it became more encompassing, politicised and intrusive. This agenda expanded and recycled itself since, in addition to liberalisation, privatisation and macroeconomic adjustment, it also advocated the wide-ranging reconstruction of the economy, the relationship between society and nature, the state, civil society and visions of the world and social practices from a neoliberal perspective. It is argued that the fight against poverty was incorporated by the institution, which functioned as an auxiliary mechanism for this liberalisation. The importance of the incorporation of New Institutional Economics for this expansion and recycling is highlighted. 相似文献
260.
Patrícia S. Gomes Maria José Fernandes João Baptista Da Costa Carvalho 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2015,38(4):268-281
This paper investigates the reform of public accounting in Portugal through the IPSAS adoption highlighting the perception of different stakeholders. Two competing theories (NPM and the institutional theory) are used to understand public accounting changes within the Portuguese context. In general, different stakeholders agree with the favorable moment and the context of the reform. The context of financial crises and the great external pressures to cut public deficits and to improve the quality of financial information seem to be the most important factors to stimulate changes in public accounting. In addition, stakeholders recommend the use of different strategies to ensure success. 相似文献