首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   241篇
  免费   15篇
各国政治   19篇
工人农民   23篇
世界政治   7篇
外交国际关系   12篇
法律   90篇
中国政治   5篇
政治理论   93篇
综合类   7篇
  2023年   1篇
  2021年   2篇
  2020年   3篇
  2019年   1篇
  2018年   8篇
  2017年   10篇
  2016年   12篇
  2015年   5篇
  2014年   7篇
  2013年   37篇
  2012年   14篇
  2011年   11篇
  2010年   11篇
  2009年   13篇
  2008年   8篇
  2007年   11篇
  2006年   7篇
  2005年   7篇
  2004年   12篇
  2003年   10篇
  2002年   9篇
  2001年   8篇
  2000年   9篇
  1999年   6篇
  1998年   4篇
  1997年   1篇
  1996年   4篇
  1995年   2篇
  1994年   3篇
  1993年   2篇
  1991年   4篇
  1988年   1篇
  1987年   3篇
  1986年   2篇
  1985年   1篇
  1984年   1篇
  1983年   1篇
  1980年   1篇
  1979年   2篇
  1978年   1篇
  1972年   1篇
排序方式: 共有256条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
121.
122.
The late 1990s appeared to herald a new dawn for European social democracy. Social democratic governments were elected to office in Germany, the UK and France (and participated in governments in 12 of the 15 EU states). For the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) and the British Labour Party, this took place after long periods in opposition. For the French Socialist Party (PS), its victory in legislative elections signalled a remarkable comeback after a shattering defeat in 1993. Their rise to power was accompanied by programmatic renewal, symbolised by the ‘Neue Mitte’, the ‘Third Way’, and ‘réalisme de gauche’, and marked by convergence within the context of European integration. Yet this electoral success concealed a number of weaknesses which began to emerge at the start of the 2000s. Hierarchical leaderships, bound by the realities of government, failed to deliver (and/or communicate) distinctive social democratic agendas, undermining linkages to core supporters. This narrative is particularly relevant for recent developments in the SPD, which – after the departure of Gerhard Schröder – faces a period of strategic and programmatic uncertainty.  相似文献   
123.
124.

This article identifies semi‐sovereignty as the defining characteristic of the Bonn Republic. This is associated with an external role of reflexive multilateralism, a concentrated party system, a co‐operative opposition and a moderate policy style. The article then looks at these defining characteristics in relation to the Berlin Republic. Germany's role in external security provision is seen as the biggest change.  相似文献   
125.
This essay analyzes the results of an informal, though extensive, interview-based survey of how negotiation is taught in four distinct fields — law, business, public policy and planning, and international relations. Beyond their similarities, the author points out key underlying differences among the four areas; suggests ways in which insights might be transferred from one context to another; and speculates on some ideas that lie on the horizon for negotiation courses in the decade ahead.  相似文献   
126.
Abstract

China has spent the twentieth century at repeated efforts, in Ezra Pound's phrase, to “make it new.” But it has repeatedly fallen back on tightly controlled political power and organization as the only means it knows—in the process always discouraging individual initiative and forestalling free expression of ideas, qualities perceived by those in power as twin threats to the order of the state. The use of military force against Chinese citizens on 4 June 1989 is only the most recent example that China has seldom allowed itself to experience the creative chaos that might arise from a true “hundred flowers” era, a protected arena of competing voices. This, at least, is the theme that tugs at the cuff of each of the books grouped here—two cultural studies, three memoirs, and a manifesto.  相似文献   
127.
ABSTRACT

In the words of Louis Marie de La Haye Cormenin (1788-1864), the French lawyer, politician and pamphleteer, in the Livre des orateurs (1843), ‘Four people know the secret of the weakness of the parliamentary orator: his doctor, his confessor, his lover and his stenographer’. Stenographers worked for the first time in 1840 in the Upper House of the Hungarian Parliament. The Bureau of Stenographers as a permanent office was established in 1868. For the Upper House and the House of Representatives, a joint Bureau of Stenographers was organized with two superiors, four auditors, twelve ordinary stenographers and two rotation guides. The stenographers worked at five-minute intervals with no backlog of work. The stenographic report of each session was published half an hour later after the last word had been spoken in the session room. The parliamentary stenographer was required to have a university degree and to take a shorthand exam. Journalists, lawyers, professors and also engineers were employed as stenographers. Reproductive intelligence, quick comprehension, responsiveness, and craftsmanship were some of the qualities that were required to be a qualified parliamentary stenographer.  相似文献   
128.
The article looks first into the nature of the relations between Germany and the CEE countries a decade since the accession of the CEE countries to the EU. The relations are characterized as normalised and intensive with diverse levels of closeness and co-operation reflecting of the conceptual and ideological compatibility/differences.Next, the article focuses on the German attitude to the euro zone crisis. Germany has become a hegemon in the rescue effort aimed at stabilisation and economic invigoration of the euro zone. However, German hegemony has developed by default, not by design: her leading position is linked with considerable political and financial costs. Germany moved central stage and took the position of a reluctant hegemon. However, German role is contested internationally (it has not the support of the French government in key areas) as well as internally (particularly by the Federal Constitutional Court and the Bundesbank).The article argues that the new situation makes the German–CEE relations increasingly relevant for both sides. The German leadership of the EU increasing split along the north–south divide requires backing by the Northern group countries to which the CEE in general belongs. Given a number of reasons the CEE countries implement three distinctive strategies of co-operation with Germany in European politics. Also military co-operation, which remained rather limited so far, may receive new impulses, given the financial austerity.  相似文献   
129.
ABSTRACT

This article is the result of qualitative research conducted on the corporate social responsibility (CSR) communication disseminated by two financial institutions, FNB and Capitec, on their social networking sites (SNSs). The research employed a phenomenological research paradigm to explore the interactions between the financial institutions and their stakeholders on Facebook and Twitter. Collected data were analysed by means of interpretative discourse analysis as well as two computer-aided qualitative data analysis software programmes, Leximancer and Centim. The authors categorised the financial institutions’ CSR communication in themes and coded it according to a newly formulated theoretical framework of Ubuntu-centred communication practices on SNSs. It was found that FNB's CSR communication was based on Ubuntu values whereas Capitec's CSR communication did not exhibit key characteristics, such as the inclusion of narratives and archetypes, sound conflict resolution strategies, and the presentation of mutually beneficial solutions to societal issues. Based on the findings, it is proposed that organisation-stakeholder interactions can be facilitated when organisations disseminate CSR messages and constructively engage with stakeholders on SNSs. Moreover, culturally-specific communication management strategies, such as Ubuntu-centred communication, should be infused in holistic communication models to foster participatory online communities which are characterised by dialogue, mutual trust and reciprocity.  相似文献   
130.
Abstract

In this paper a theoretical framework is presented in an attempt to find an answer to the question of why some juveniles display sexually abusive behaviour and others do not. Until recently, this question has been approached mainly in terms of the presence of psychiatric illness, deviant sexual interests and/or impaired psychosocial development. Empirical research has as yet generally failed to demonstrate this approach to be adequate. It is estimated that only about 40% of juvenile sex offenders appear to show some kind of psychological or developmental deviance. The theoretical framework that is presented here approaches sexual abuse committed by juveniles in terms of normal developmental processes, next to deviant processes. It describes this behaviour, and its presence or absence, as a result of the interaction of biological, psychological and situational factors.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号