首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   726篇
  免费   22篇
各国政治   52篇
工人农民   37篇
世界政治   61篇
外交国际关系   36篇
法律   364篇
中国政治   6篇
政治理论   183篇
综合类   9篇
  2020年   4篇
  2019年   7篇
  2018年   14篇
  2017年   20篇
  2016年   14篇
  2015年   17篇
  2014年   8篇
  2013年   110篇
  2012年   21篇
  2011年   25篇
  2010年   15篇
  2009年   22篇
  2008年   18篇
  2007年   16篇
  2006年   22篇
  2005年   18篇
  2004年   17篇
  2003年   20篇
  2002年   19篇
  2001年   13篇
  2000年   8篇
  1999年   10篇
  1998年   9篇
  1997年   17篇
  1996年   10篇
  1995年   16篇
  1994年   13篇
  1993年   15篇
  1992年   12篇
  1991年   18篇
  1990年   4篇
  1989年   12篇
  1988年   11篇
  1987年   10篇
  1986年   17篇
  1985年   13篇
  1984年   18篇
  1983年   7篇
  1982年   13篇
  1981年   15篇
  1980年   15篇
  1979年   8篇
  1978年   7篇
  1977年   4篇
  1976年   10篇
  1975年   9篇
  1974年   6篇
  1973年   9篇
  1971年   2篇
  1967年   2篇
排序方式: 共有748条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
221.
A recent appraisal by Farr et al. (Am Polit Sci Rev 100:579–587 2006) credited Lasswell with raising important questions of professional responsibility for political science. However, the appraisal rejected working answers to those questions offered by Lasswell and his colleagues without considering them substantively or comprehensively. In doing so, the appraisal misleads those academics in political science and other disciplines who may be interested in a genuinely professional role for themselves, a role that takes into account the social consequences of the exercise of their knowledge and skills. This article provides a more authentic introduction to Lasswell’s life and work and vision of the policy scientist of democracy, and suggests some alternatives for would-be professionals.
Ronald D. BrunnerEmail:
  相似文献   
222.
In addition to difficulties gathering and evaluating complete information, cognitive limitations and biases preclude individuals from making fully value‐maximizing choices when making decisions. It has been suggested that, done properly, involving advisors can compensate for individual‐level limitations. However, the “groupthink” tradition has highlighted ways group‐aided decision making can fail to live up to its potential. Out of this literature has emerged a paradigm Janis calls “vigilant problem‐solving.” For this article, we interviewed 20 heads of subcabinet‐level organizations in the U.S. federal government, asking questions about how they made important decisions. Ten were nominated by “good‐government” experts, 10 chosen at random. We wanted to see whether there were differences in how members of those two groups made decisions, specifically, to what extent executives in the two categories used a “vigilant” process. We found, however, that similarities between the two groups overwhelmed differences: As best as we were able to measure, decision making by U.S. subcabinet executives tracks vigilant decision making recommendations fairly closely. The similarity reflects a common style of senior‐level decision making, which we theorize grows out of government bureaucracy's methodical culture. We did, however, develop evidence for a difference between outstanding executives and others on another dimension of decision making style. Outstanding executives valued decision making decisiveness—“bias for action”—more than the comparison group. Perhaps, then, what distinguishes outstanding executives from others is not vigilance but decisiveness. Contrary to the implications of the groupthink literature, the danger in government may be “paralysis by analysis” as much or more than groupthink.  相似文献   
223.
224.
225.
226.
This paper examines individual attitudes in six industrialized democracies to determine what factors condition citizens' support for trade liberalization. We argue that public support for trade liberalization is influenced by politically driven views and individual economic utilitarian considerations. To test our propositions, we develop and estimate a series of logistic regression models of public support for trade liberalization. That data are derived from The World Values Surveys (1995–1997). We find strong empirical support for the economic utilitarian factors—primarily education, but also gender and income—as the principal factors shaping individual attitudes toward trade liberalization. Conversely, while some empirical support is found for political factors such as one's geographic orientation and level of cognitive mobilization, we find that the political predictors of support are weaker overall than the economic interest predictors.  相似文献   
227.
228.
229.
230.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号