全文获取类型
收费全文 | 730篇 |
免费 | 18篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 52篇 |
工人农民 | 37篇 |
世界政治 | 61篇 |
外交国际关系 | 36篇 |
法律 | 364篇 |
中国政治 | 6篇 |
政治理论 | 183篇 |
综合类 | 9篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 4篇 |
2019年 | 7篇 |
2018年 | 14篇 |
2017年 | 20篇 |
2016年 | 14篇 |
2015年 | 17篇 |
2014年 | 8篇 |
2013年 | 110篇 |
2012年 | 21篇 |
2011年 | 25篇 |
2010年 | 15篇 |
2009年 | 22篇 |
2008年 | 18篇 |
2007年 | 16篇 |
2006年 | 22篇 |
2005年 | 18篇 |
2004年 | 17篇 |
2003年 | 20篇 |
2002年 | 19篇 |
2001年 | 13篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 10篇 |
1998年 | 9篇 |
1997年 | 17篇 |
1996年 | 10篇 |
1995年 | 16篇 |
1994年 | 13篇 |
1993年 | 15篇 |
1992年 | 12篇 |
1991年 | 18篇 |
1990年 | 4篇 |
1989年 | 12篇 |
1988年 | 11篇 |
1987年 | 10篇 |
1986年 | 17篇 |
1985年 | 13篇 |
1984年 | 18篇 |
1983年 | 7篇 |
1982年 | 13篇 |
1981年 | 15篇 |
1980年 | 15篇 |
1979年 | 8篇 |
1978年 | 7篇 |
1977年 | 4篇 |
1976年 | 10篇 |
1975年 | 9篇 |
1974年 | 6篇 |
1973年 | 9篇 |
1971年 | 2篇 |
1967年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有748条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
581.
582.
Ronald Wintrobe 《Public Choice》2018,177(3-4):217-233
Recently, not only has dictatorship resurfaced, but a new form of government has appeared that is neither democratic nor dictatorial. There are various names for this new form: “competitive—authoritarian”, “illiberal democracy”, or simply “hybrid”. Some obvious examples are Hungary, Poland and Turkey. Some connect the origin of hybrids in modern times to the rise of populism. Populism is connected to the illiberal or hybrid idea in that populists tend to repress minorities as a way of appealing to the majority. Authoritarian populists typically divide the population into “us” versus “them”. This paper develops a model of how a hybrid can arise from democracy. I introduce a “strongman or strongwoman” as a leader who can implement repression and gain power. I develop a simple model of a “hybrid” regime in which repression is less than that under dictatorship but greater than that under liberal democracy. The hybrid regime is a special case of Wintrobe’s general theory of dictatorship, but it goes further than that by endogenizing equilibrium extremism of the regime as well as repression. I show how the hybrid regime reacts to exogenous shocks, and develop optimal policy for other countries and institutions interested in reducing repression (the UN, US or EU) towards hybrids. 相似文献
583.
The politics–administration dichotomy has been one of the most disputed theories of public administration. Despite serious critiques, neither the theoretical utility nor the normative power of the dichotomy has totally disappeared over the past decades. The dichotomy has been advocated on the grounds that the dichotomous division of labor and authority between elected and administrative officials increases the democratic accountability and planning ability of public administrators. This article first builds a theoretical model of the politics–administration dichotomy and then evaluates the model using empirical data collected from a nationwide sample of city managers serving in council-manager local governments. Results of structural equation modeling illustrate that the politics–administration dichotomy fails to obtain its predicted tendencies in actuality. The authors interpret the findings in light of the contemporary public administration literature. The article aims to make a theoretical-empirical contribution to one of the most challenging questions in public administration. 相似文献
584.
法庭科学家和证据法学者所处的是两个不同的世界,就像英国和美国一样,由一种共通的语言划分开来。虽然在一些重要方面彼此关联,但法庭科学和证据法学作为两个独立的学科,有着各自独特的构造和演进,关注不同的问题并运用各具特色的认识论。因此,这两个学科之间存在着自说自话的重大风险。该风险的迹象体现在了法庭科学家与证据法学者之间时常沟通不畅。“证据法”的概念对于法庭科学和证据法学而言均至关重要,且在这两个学科中均被高频地运用。本文通过聚焦“证据法的法域范围”之基础概念讨论,希望造成该学科间冲突的个别成因能够明朗化,并诚挚地期盼这样做能有利于法庭科学与证据法学学科之间更有效地交流。 相似文献
585.
Increasing Cognitive Load to Facilitate Lie Detection: The Benefit of Recalling an Event in Reverse Order 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
In two experiments, we tested the hypotheses that (a) the difference between liars and truth tellers will be greater when interviewees report their stories in reverse order than in chronological order, and (b) instructing interviewees to recall their stories in reverse order will facilitate detecting deception. In Experiment 1, 80 mock suspects told the truth or lied about a staged event and did or did not report their stories in reverse order. The reverse order interviews contained many more cues to deceit than the control interviews. In Experiment 2, 55 police officers watched a selection of the videotaped interviews of Experiment 1 and made veracity judgements. Requesting suspects to convey their stories in reverse order improved police observers' ability to detect deception and did not result in a response bias. 相似文献
586.
Kempe Ronald Hope Sr 《Development in Practice》2009,19(1):79-86
Good governance is essential for sustaining economic transformation in developing countries. However, many developing countries currently lack the capacity, as opposed to the will, to achieve and then sustain a climate of good governance. This article addresses, from a practitioner's field perspective, the fundamental objectives, principles, and key areas that need to be addressed for developing capacity for good governance. These frameworks are now beginning to be recognised, as both governments and donor institutions attempt to take advantage of the current demand and opportunities for addressing governance deficits. In pursuing capacity development for good governance, developing countries must ensure that such initiatives are comprehensively designed to be simultaneously related to change and transformation at the individual, institutional, and societal levels and to be owned and controlled locally. 相似文献
587.
Daniel P. Mears Eric A. Stewart Patricia Y. Warren Ronald L. Simons 《Justice Quarterly》2017,34(2):217-247
Objectives. Drawing on several interrelated lines of scholarship, we argue that cultural beliefs at individual and neighborhood levels may affect police and court decisions. We hypothesize that individuals who more strongly adhere to the code of the street or reside in areas where the street code culture is more strongly embraced will be more likely to be arrested and convicted, and that neighborhood-level effects will amplify the effect of street code adherence. Methods. To test these hypotheses, data from the Family and Community Health Study are examined using multilevel modeling. Results. Blacks who more strongly adhered to street code beliefs were more likely to be arrested and convicted; this effect was greater among those who resided in areas where the code of the street belief system was more entrenched. Conclusions. The findings highlight the potential usefulness of a focus on culture for understanding the exercise of formal social control. 相似文献
588.
589.
590.
Ronald M. Peters Jr. 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(1):136-154
This article examines the Armed Services Committee of the United States Houses of Representatives (HASC) at the beginning of the post‐cold war era. Utilising Fenno's 1973 framework, the article traces HASC's evolution through three periods: the ‘textbook’ period (1947–70); the transition period (1970–89); and the post‐cold war period (since 1989). It explores how changing environmental constraints and member goals have shaped its strategic premises, in Fenno's terms. Reporting on recent trends at HASC, I consider whether, in the post‐cold war era, HASC may be said to operate on the basis of any strategic premises at all. The article concludes by considering two key questions about Fenno's framework. Is it time bound? And, can it explain change? 相似文献