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731.
In 1935 Harold D. Lasswell introduced constructs of the world revolution to improve the rational selection of topics and timing
for policy research. This article reviews and updates his construct of the skill revolution arising from the differentiation
of specialized environments in modern society, including three variants: the garrison-state construct, the permanent revolution
of modernizing intellectuals, and the unspeakable revolution. Among transformations of the skill revolution facilitated by
the growing interdependence of modern society, or globalization, are contending fundamentalist and cosmopolitan revolutions.
A Gnostic revolution of declining faith in Western civilization is also possible. This article concludes with a preferential
construct tracing a possible sequence of events leading toward a world order of peace, welfare and social justice.
相似文献
Ronald D. BrunnerEmail: |
732.
This paper explores the role that membership in a politicized church and believing in a black Christ have on the political
mobilization and participation of African Americans. Using data from the 1993–94 National Black Politics Study (NBPS), the
authors conclude that imagining a black Christ is a radicalizing force on political participation. Hearing politicizing messages
in a place of worship and believing that Christ is black appears to shift African Americans from relatively conservative or
traditional forms of political participation, such as contacting officials, to more non-traditional political protest. Further,
it appears that imagining a black Christ is distinct from other aspects of a racial belief system and while it has political
implications, it clearly has religious roots that separate it from other racial beliefs.
相似文献
James David IversEmail: |
733.
734.
Ronald A. Cass 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2018,46(2):183-203
Henry Manne wrote about many topics central to the law-and-economics canon but also over a period of more than a decade later in life worked on a theory of constitutional interpretation, producing a paper and lectures on this subject. His goal was to use insights from economics to improve constitutional analysis, in particular seeking to ground constitutional interpretation in quantitative assessments he hoped would be both true to the primary goal of constitution-makers and capable of providing guidance to judges in ways less subject to the pull of political preferences. Despite his concerns with controlling constitutional interpretation in practice, the instincts Manne brought to this endeavor ran more to matters of theory than to its implementation by judges, identifying important propositions for interpretation but failing (by his own admission) to produce a test that fulfilled his aspirations. The strengths and weaknesses of this work provide an intriguing contrast with writings from Antonin Scalia, the American jurist and scholar whose approaches to both constitutional and statutory interpretation had a profound impact on jurisprudence over the past three decades. Like Manne, Scalia highly valued more determinate methods of analysis and was deeply concerned with the architecture of constitutional creation and effectuation. His focus, however, was more on the practical question of what happens when a particular sort of official has the power to implement a highly indeterminate test and what test best constrains interpretation in ways faithful to the interpretive task. Those goals undergird Scalia’s commitments to textualism and originalism. Manne’s and Scalia’s approaches to constitutional interpretation are instructive on the purposes served by analytical tools in disparate settings. In particular, they offer contrasting and complementary visions, providing insights about the domains of law-and-economics, legal analysis, practical judgment, and perspective. 相似文献
735.
Sir Ronald Sanders 《圆桌》2015,104(5):563-571
Africa has been divided into four groups of states by the European Union in the negotiation of Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) that will define the relationship between Africa and Europe in the future. The EPAs are unfair. They demand reciprocity between the EU countries collectively and each African country individually and they set conditions that will be demanded by any other country or groups of countries with which African countries seek trade arrangements. Further, separate EPAs among different groupings of African countries will undermine Africa’s wider integration efforts, leaving it in thrall to EU companies. In their present form the EPAs are not in Africa’s interest and will unnecessarily undermine the potential for Europe’s improved relationship with the continent. 相似文献
736.
Natasha Stojanovska Ph.D. Adrian De Grazia Hons. Mark Tahtouh Ph.D. Ronald Shimmon Ph.D. Brian Reedy Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2015,60(3):619-626
In further work investigating the intriguing application of diacetylene copolymers in fingermark detection, methods were developed to control (inhibit or enhance) the diacetylene polymerization reaction in fingermarks treated with a mixture of the monomers 2,4‐hexadiyne‐1,6‐bis‐(phenylurethane) (HDDPU) and 2,4‐hexadiyne‐1,6‐bis(p‐chlorophenylurethane) (HDDCPU) in acetone solution. These methods included the use of a humidity chamber to reduce the amount of background development while promoting development on the fingermark, subjecting developed fingermarks to freezing temperatures and using a solvent to remove unreacted monomer in order to inhibit the polymerization reaction. Developed fingermarks were enhanced by conventional lighting (white light, filtered light) and fast Raman mapping, which was shown to be advantageous over FTIR imaging. This study also demonstrated the applicability of diacetylene copolymer solutions in the covert detection of fingermarks on difficult surfaces. Furthermore, fingermarks were successfully developed with good ridge detail on pig skin (used as a model for human skin, a notoriously difficult surface on which to develop fingermarks). 相似文献
737.
Sir Ronald Sanders 《圆桌》2016,105(5):519-529
AbstractThe UK Brexit referendum to leave the EU has created concerns internationally, particularly for countries that have formal trade, aid and investment treaties with the EU and none with Britain alone. The notion of a Commonwealth Free Trade Agreement (FTA) is a non-starter and would bring no benefits to the Caribbean. But, Britain outside the EU deprives the Caribbean of a sympathetic voice on a range of issues, including financial services, and alters the level of official development assistance that will be available from remaining EU members that have no historical relationship with the English-speaking Caribbean. The importance of the UK as a market for their goods and services make it imperative for Caribbean countries to start early ‘talks’ with London so as not to be crowded out by FTAs that the UK will conclude with countries larger and richer than the Caribbean. At the same time, Brexit provides an opportunity for the Caribbean to revisit its unsatisfactory Economic Partnership Agreement with the EU. Caribbean countries need to determine their objectives and take early initiatives to realise them. 相似文献
738.
739.
Senior government executives make many difficult decisions, but research suggests that individual cognitive limitations and the pathologies of “groupthink” impede their ability to make value‐maximizing choices. From this literature has emerged a normative model that Irving Janis calls “vigilant problem solving,” a process intended for the most complex decisions. To explore its use by senior public officials, the authors interviewed 20 heads of subcabinet‐level organizations in the U.S. federal government, asking how they made their most difficult decisions. The initial focus was on whether they employed a vigilant approach to making decisions that were informationally, technically, or politically complex. Most executives identified their single most‐difficult decision as one that required courage; they often made such courageous decisions after personal reflection and/or consultation with a small number of trusted advisors rather in ways that could be described as vigilant. The different approaches for making complex decisions, compared with those involving courage, are discussed and a contingency model of effective executive decision making is proposed that requires leaders (and their advisors) to be “ambidextrous” in their approach. 相似文献
740.
Jacobus Oosthuizen Janse van Rensburg Philna Coetzee 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2016,16(2):181-191
Internal auditing is an essential part of governance and can be a valuable asset to public sector institutions. However, for public sector internal auditing to effectively support management, the internal audit function (IAF) should be capable. The question arises as to how the capability of public sector IAFs can be measured. The Institute of Internal Auditors Research Foundation published the Internal Audit Capability Model (IA‐CM) in 2009 to provide a capability self‐assessment tool for public sector IAFs. The main objective of the study is to determine whether the IA‐CM can be used successfully to measure internal audit capability levels, and a secondary objective is to determine whether the tool can be successfully adapted for a specific public sector organisation and/or country. To achieve these objectives, the model was applied in a South African public sector organisation by means of a case study, where the IAF of the case was ranked against the key process areas (KPAs) of the model. The ranking was conducted based on a documentary review and interviews with applicable officials within the case. The model was successfully tested in measuring the internal audit capability level of a South African public sector organisation; however, a total of eight potential feasibility hindrances or considerations have been identified that could negatively affect the implementation of seven of the KPAs of the IA‐CM. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献