全文获取类型
收费全文 | 289篇 |
免费 | 8篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 15篇 |
工人农民 | 19篇 |
世界政治 | 28篇 |
外交国际关系 | 9篇 |
法律 | 133篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 2篇 |
政治理论 | 87篇 |
综合类 | 3篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 7篇 |
2019年 | 5篇 |
2018年 | 12篇 |
2017年 | 11篇 |
2016年 | 10篇 |
2015年 | 4篇 |
2014年 | 10篇 |
2013年 | 61篇 |
2012年 | 7篇 |
2011年 | 10篇 |
2010年 | 7篇 |
2009年 | 8篇 |
2008年 | 13篇 |
2007年 | 6篇 |
2006年 | 10篇 |
2005年 | 8篇 |
2004年 | 5篇 |
2003年 | 6篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 8篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 8篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 5篇 |
1994年 | 6篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1991年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 2篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 4篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 4篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 2篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 2篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
1971年 | 1篇 |
1969年 | 2篇 |
1967年 | 3篇 |
排序方式: 共有297条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
131.
Rose Adam Stevens Brandt 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2001,1(2):219-242
This paper evaluates the relative gains from augmenting or restricting several of the flexibility mechanisms of the Kyoto Protocol. A nonlinear programming model of international emissions trading is used to assess the net benefits of extending trading across time periods and across countries (Joint Implementation), and including the developing world (Clean Development Mechanism). The effect of limiting permit purchases (supplementarity) is also evaluated. The analysis is intended to help guide further climate negotiations by identifying flexibility mechanisms that contribute the most to enhancing the gains from greenhouse gas mitigation and identifying restrictions that detract the most from these gains. 相似文献
132.
Jacqueline Rose 《Women: A Cultural Review》2013,24(1-2):139-144
This conference confirms the loss of a singular, unified women's movement under the pressures of race, sexuality and class and asks for new directions. The need to rethink collectivity suggests that identification is a priority for feminism rather than desire , which has been the dominant discourse of the psychoanalytical wing of the movement. There are psychoanalytical accounts of the group, but they will have to withstand New Labour's punitive address to the superego by its conservative personalizing of social issues. Thus the relation between psychoanalysis and politics is now a major issue, revealing as it does the problems of coercion in an environment where collective accountability has ceased to exist. Our models of the feminine can be neither Thatcher nor Diana both of whom occlude social accountability. Though the question of sexual difference has not gone away, we need to reformulate the problems, finding new forms of language and of public speech to address a wider constituency, and a radical politics that will reach beyond the academic world. Finally, arising from this, two questions need to be asked. What does feminism want a subject to be? Does feminism want something to serve in the place of some kind of truth? 相似文献
133.
134.
135.
Rose Corrigan 《Law & social inquiry》2013,38(4):920-949
One of the most highly touted improvements in the criminal justice response to rape has been the wide‐scale adoption of sexual assault nurse examiner (SANE) programs that provide specialized medical care and forensic evidence collection to victims. Though previous studies have emphasized the benefits of SANE programs in improving criminal case outcomes, this study illustrates how the post‐rape forensic examination can also discourage reporting, investigation, and prosecution. Interviews with local rape care advocates across the United States show how the increasing emphasis on forensic evidence collected through rape kits may provide an opportunity to reflect and enact persistent law enforcement stereotypes toward sexual assault complainants. Unless police resistance to taking rape seriously is confronted and addressed, even well‐intentioned policy reforms such as SANE programs may end up undermining—rather than enhancing—fair and thorough investigation of sexual assault allegations. 相似文献
136.
137.
Recent research by Beech, Parrett, Ward, and Fisher has suggested that Ward and Keenan's male-derived implicit theories represent a good theoretical fit for explaining female child molesters’ offence-supportive cognitions. This paper re-examines the applicability of Ward and Keenan's (1999) male-derived implicit theories for explaining the self-reported offence-supportive cognitions of 16 UK female child molesters. Using almost identical analytic methods to Beech et al., we show that it is indeed possible to code female child molesters’ offence-supportive cognitions under each of the five male-derived implicit theories proposed by Ward and Keenan. However, our results show that the content of female child molesters’ offence-supportive cognitions appears very different to that of male child molesters. Based on our findings, we discuss relevant treatment implications and offer a re-conceptualization of implicit theories for female child molesters using the sex-role stereotyping literature. We also propose that – unlike male child molesters – female child molesters are unlikely to hold generalized implicit theories that sexualize children. 相似文献
138.
Is education consequential for popular endorsement of democracy in developing societies and, if so, what are the mechanisms that account for this influence? We investigate the micro-foundations of the education–democracy nexus using a survey of 18 sub-Saharan African countries. We demonstrate that educational level is the strongest influence on support for democracy and rejection of non-democratic alternatives via its impact on comprehension of, and attention to, politics. This is consistent with a cognitive interpretation of the effects of education on democratic values rather than one which treats education as a marker of economic resource inequalities. 相似文献
139.
Richard Rose 《后苏联事务》2013,29(1):33-57
A distinguished social scientist investigates the extent to which Russians today use social capital networks developed in Soviet times or before to produce welfare. Alternative hypotheses are set forth about ways of viewing networks in a modern vs. anti-modern context. Hypotheses are tested with a specially designed 1998 New Russia Barometer survey of all types of social capital networks. Conclusions are drawn about the networks Russians of varying education and socioeconomic status employ to get food and provide income security. 相似文献
140.