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81.
This article examines the use of the term sustainabledevelopment in Acts of the Scottish and UK Parliaments.It begins by examining the UK's traditional reluctance to legislateon sustainable development, the more recent reversal of thatapproach and some definitional issues surrounding the term.It then moves on to consider the sustainable development provisionsin detail examining their form, strength and limits, and howthey can be monitored, reviewed and enforced both inside andoutside court. The article concludes that over and above anysymbolic value, in many instances the provisions also have legalsignificance. The formulations vary and while some are simplymaterial considerations to be used in decision-making, thosewhich set out mandatory requirements such as reports do createbinding legal rules. Furthermore, there are a few examples wherethe duty or objective is set out as a clear legal rule thatcould be interpreted as providing a framework for decision-making. 相似文献
82.
Frances E. Zollers JD 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》1989,14(1):26-31
The debate over scientific issues has made a difficult transition from the scientific community to the public-polity process.
The traditional view of scientists undertaking “pure” science in their laboratories did not envision government intervention
into scientific and technological discovery through administrative agency regulation of risks associated with the results
of such research. Yet examples of government regulation of technological risks abound as the nation grapples with nuclear
power issues, new-drug testing, and environmental issues, to name a few. This paper considers whether the presently constituted
regulatory apparatus is capable of responding to dramatic advances in technology in a timely and effective way. Concluding
that it is not, the paper examines the circumscribing characteristics of the regulatory process. Then it discusses alternate
approaches for regulating the risks posed by science and technology without doing too much violence to due process or the
notion of public participation in the regulatory function. 相似文献
83.
This article briefly describes the legislative history of the old-age, survivors, and disability insurance (OASDI) and supplemental security income (SSI) provisions, as well as related Medicare and Medicaid provisions, of the Consolidated Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1985 (Public Law 99-272). It includes a chronology outlining the interaction of the budget reconciliation process with the development of the OASDI minor and technical changes bill (H.R. 2005) and the development of other social security related legislation resulting in proposals that ultimately combined in the overall Consolidated Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1985. The article also provides a detailed summary of the provisions of the legislation. 相似文献
84.
Charles Kurzman Regina Werum Ross E. Burkhart 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2002,37(1):3-33
The relationship between democracy and economic growth has concerned social scientists since the 17th century, but recent democracy movements make this question especially important today. Do poor countries face a cruel trade-off between democracy and growth? Do democracy and growth go together as a “win-win” proposition? Or is democracy irrelevant to growth? Using pooled annual time-series data from 1951–1980 for 106 countries, including 88 non-core countries, we explore long-term and short-term direct and indirect effects of democracy on growth. Little or no direct effect emerges, but positive indirect effects appear via two mechanisms: a marginally significant effect via investment and a robust effect via government expenditure. Democracy also has a robust non-linear effect on economic growth via social unrest, inhibiting growth under non-democratic regimes and furthering it in highly democratic ones. Combining these findings, we conclude that democracy does not significantly hamper economic growth, and under many circumstances slightly boosts it. 相似文献
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A longitudinal study investigated prejudice among 412 New South Wales (Australia) police recruits. Recruits were tested on Beswick and Hills' (1972) Australian E scale and Ray's (1972) Balanced F scale at recruitment, after 6 months' full-time academy training, and after 12 months' police experimence. It was found that over the period of academy training recruits became less authoritarian but did not vary on ethnocentrism. Over the field experience stage recruits became both more ethnocentric and authoritarian. Further, recruits sent to districts with large Aboriginal populations became significantly more ethnocentric but no more authoritarian than other recruits. At a theoretical level, results suggest that police attributes may develop as a function of particular policing experiences. At an applied level, results suggest that training alone is unlikely to overcome the problem of police prejudice. 相似文献
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