全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1110篇 |
免费 | 33篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 67篇 |
工人农民 | 72篇 |
世界政治 | 133篇 |
外交国际关系 | 88篇 |
法律 | 479篇 |
中国政治 | 6篇 |
政治理论 | 284篇 |
综合类 | 14篇 |
出版年
2022年 | 7篇 |
2021年 | 8篇 |
2020年 | 35篇 |
2019年 | 26篇 |
2018年 | 38篇 |
2017年 | 39篇 |
2016年 | 27篇 |
2015年 | 46篇 |
2014年 | 30篇 |
2013年 | 168篇 |
2012年 | 23篇 |
2011年 | 29篇 |
2010年 | 38篇 |
2009年 | 35篇 |
2008年 | 31篇 |
2007年 | 27篇 |
2006年 | 30篇 |
2005年 | 35篇 |
2004年 | 30篇 |
2003年 | 26篇 |
2002年 | 23篇 |
2001年 | 25篇 |
2000年 | 39篇 |
1999年 | 23篇 |
1998年 | 27篇 |
1997年 | 20篇 |
1996年 | 16篇 |
1995年 | 20篇 |
1994年 | 14篇 |
1993年 | 13篇 |
1992年 | 15篇 |
1991年 | 12篇 |
1990年 | 15篇 |
1989年 | 18篇 |
1988年 | 14篇 |
1987年 | 15篇 |
1986年 | 14篇 |
1985年 | 6篇 |
1984年 | 18篇 |
1983年 | 9篇 |
1982年 | 5篇 |
1981年 | 9篇 |
1980年 | 6篇 |
1979年 | 7篇 |
1978年 | 5篇 |
1977年 | 8篇 |
1974年 | 3篇 |
1973年 | 3篇 |
1972年 | 2篇 |
1969年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有1143条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
211.
Throughout the 1990s, corruption cases, policy failure and scandals tarnished Belgium's international reputation. In this article, we analyse the effect of federalism and political culture on corruption and policy failures and their impact on the likelihood of such occurrences becoming scandals. Survey material suggests that there are few differences between French- and Dutch-speakers in the perception and tolerance of corruption. We then list a number of variables that can explain corruption in Belgium and argue that the independent effect of federalism is very limited. Next we demonstrate that federalism has played a much more significant role in lowering the risk of policy failure, while at the same time creating a few new vulnerabilities. Finally, we argue that the regional political elites do not often engage in policy learning and frequently put forward federalism as the main solution to the avoidance of policy failure and scandal. In this sense, regional political elites do not seize the opportunity for policy experimentation and transfer that is generally seen as one of the main virtues of a federal system of government. 相似文献
212.
Joost Van Spanje 《West European politics》2013,36(5):1022-1040
During the past three decades, anti-immigration parties have emerged all over Western Europe. Some of them have been treated like any other party by their mainstream opponents and a few have even become members of governing coalitions (e.g., the Austrian FPÖ). Other such parties have been politically excluded: established parties have refrained from any cooperation with them and in some cases even refused to enter into a political debate with their politicians. This article investigates how the strategy of ostracising anti-immigration parties affects the internal dynamics within these parties. In particular, we assess whether these parties radicalise as a result of this strategy, and, conversely whether it has a moderating effect when these parties are approached more pragmatically. Our analyses, regarding ten parties at several moments in time, show that anti-immigration parties that were not ostracised became more moderate, whereas those that were treated as outcasts continued to be extremist. 相似文献
213.
This article explains the diverse responses among the Chinese bourgeoisie in Hong Kong and Singapore to Chinese nationalist movements in the 1930s. In Singapore, the slogan of “Chinese buy Chinese goods” boosted the Chinese bourgeoisie in their business competition with Japan. The same slogan was used by the Chinese bourgeoisie in Hong Kong to emphasize increased sales of Chinese goods while Japanese imports were used by Chinese manufacturers in Hong Kong. I also interpret Chinese bourgeois nationalism in Hong Kong and Singapore as a move toward transnational economic citizenship. Emphasising their Chinese ethnicity, the bourgeoisie in Hong Kong and Singapore asked the Chinese government for favourable import tariffs. At the same time, the bourgeoisie requested the British for favourable tariffs, when they wished to export goods to markets in Britain and its colonies. 相似文献
214.
This study investigates the diversity in impact of innovation platforms (IPs) on agricultural networks and technology adoption among 1200 households in nine sub-Saharan Africa countries. We explore the extent to which the 32 IPs implemented adopted the Integrated Agricultural Research for Development Approach (IAR4D). We find that IPs implemented according to the IAR4Dness principles are better at promoting networks of households with other farmers within villages. We find that IPs with more active members were more successful in promoting agricultural technologies, while IPs with many different stakeholders were less successful in promoting agricultural technologies. 相似文献
215.
In this article we propose an ideal typology of reactions to genomics—the study (in complex transnational organisational research arrangements) of the genome, the sum total of the genetic material in any particular organism—from the point of view and perspective of communities that find themselves in marginal positions. Genomics is a particularly important part of ‘technoscience’—science mingled with technology. Within genomics the concepts of diversity and difference are paradoxically intermingled. Genetically speaking, the difference between human beings and nature is fading. Homo sapiens, viewed as genetic material, is becoming part and parcel of ‘natural resources’. Diversity is the moral dimension of this perspective. At the same time genomics appears to map, mark and thereby define difference; difference between individuals and between groups of people, but also between healthy and ill, and finally between ‘normal’ and, consequently, ‘abnormal’, deviant. Difference is the moral dimension of this counterpoint. We argue that genomics is an important field of study for Africa. At the same time, however, we discern a potentially dangerous new divide: a genomics divide between Africa and the West. We argue that more research is needed on contextualisation of ‘genomics’. 相似文献
216.
Jan Van Ballegooijen & Roberto Rocco 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(10):1794-1810
This paper discusses how urban informality in the developing world has been understood in the West, and how it has been incorporated in the discourse of urban architects and planners in the developed world. It proposes a genealogy of this understanding through the identification of discourses with major ideological currents. It explains the evolution of the relationship between the understanding of urban informality and anarchism; the empowerment of the urban poor and finally the role of this understanding as a neoliberal discourse against state intervention. It finds that, although the incorporation of urban informality in urban architectural discourses is presented as a relative novelty, it is in reality at least 60 years old, dating from John Turner’s writings about the barriadas of Lima. From a progressive and empowering understanding of how the grassroots are able to take their lives into their own hands, it has become a tool for neoliberal discourses defending the dismissal of the state as a valid articulator of urban development. 相似文献
217.
Maarten Van Alstein 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(1):133-153
After the horrors of the First World War, different initiatives were taken to introduce and institutionalise principles of international organisation such as collective security and arbitration in international relations. The League of Nations was founded, and different bilateral and multilateral arbitration treaties were concluded. This article studies the reception of these internationalist principles by Belgian policymakers and diplomats. I will argue that this reception initially ranged from cautiousness to clear scepticism. Although an evolution towards increased trust in collective security and arbitration can be observed between 1919 and 1929, Belgian policymakers' and diplomats' views during this period remained predominantly based on realist premises and beliefs. 相似文献
218.
This article investigates the adoption of New Public Management (NPM) in Dutch local government. According to Hood's concept of NPM, it will show the extent to which Dutch municipalities have adopted businesslike instruments and styles. Following Pollitt's framework on studying public management changes, a distinction will be made between changes in ideology, instruments, practices and impacts. The article concludes that, unlike ideological and instrumental innovations, the evidence for NPM-like practices and impacts is limited. To put it crudely, a lot of apparent changes in Dutch local government seem to be only skin-deep. 相似文献
219.
Oda Van Cranenburgh 《Democratization》2013,20(4):584-604
This article assesses the utility of Arend Lijphart's classification scheme of democracies by means of a case study of Namibia. In particular, the article examines whether Namibia represents a case of consensus democracy, based on institutional criteria within the power-sharing and power-division dimensions, as developed in Lijphart's Patterns of Democracy (1999). The application of the ten criteria results in a mixed outcome, with an overall modal value of ‘moderately consensus’, a modal value of strongly majoritarian for the executive-parties dimension, and moderately consensus for the federal-executive dimension. The highly varied scores for each of the criteria, particularly within the first of Lijphart's two dimensions, present several problems. It is argued that the statistical modal value represents a distorted image of Namibian politics. Namibia scores consistently on the majoritarian side for criteria which conceptually concern the essence of the consensus modal. Moreover, apparent consensus features such as tripartite institutions, bicameralism, and a rigid constitution do not ‘behave’ as such due to one-party dominance, and neither does proportional representation produce consensus politics. Lijphart's criteria are too formal, and should not receive equal weight. The article concludes that power-sharing is better investigated by focusing on just two criteria, namely the party system and the strongly related criterion of government coalitions. Moreover, it is essential to examine political behaviour, in particular of governing elites, to look for the presence of cooperation and compromise, paradoxically issues which were more prominent in Lijphart's earlier work. 相似文献
220.
Dirk Van Zyl Smit 《Criminal justice ethics》2013,32(2):37-51
Elizabeth Wolgast, Ethics of an Artificial Person: Lost Responsibility in Professions and Organizations Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1992, 161 pp. 相似文献