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101.
102.
The phrase ‘North – South divide’—as well as variations such as ‘North – South gap’ or ‘North – South cleavage’—has become well established in public discourse and scholarly writing. The phrase, however, is highly problematic, as it is simplistic and as there is a substantial danger of misapprehending it for ‘reality’ as such. The indiscriminate usage of the phrase ‘North – South divide’ overlooks the ways in which words create and shape our understanding of the world, on which we, in turn, base our judgements and decisions. The aim of the present paper is to point out specific ways through which this linguistic distinction—as much as any other—shapes our conception of (social) reality. The paper is in two parts. In the first we will initially draw out some pitfalls that inhere in the notion of a ‘North – South divide’qua notion, and then point to other pitfalls that relate to the usage of the expression. In the second part two case studies are presented to illustrate our arguments: one of them deals with China, the other with intellectual property rights. 相似文献
103.
Abstract Can sports—and if so how—serve as a vehicle for reconciliation and increased social cohesion in countries wrecked by civil conflict? This article analyses the case of South Africa and its experiences in the sports sector since the fall of apartheid, in an effort to explore the processes necessary to understand the potential sports may hold for peace building. By identifying initiatives in South Africa employed at the national, community and individual level of analysis, the article outlines the possible effects of sports on reconciliation in divided states. Through linking experiences from state policies, ngo activities and donor projects with social identity and reconciliation theory, the article outlines the possible positive and negative aspects of sports. Finally, important avenues for further research to uncover how to turn sports into effective political tools for post-conflict peace building are suggested. 相似文献
104.
Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has articulated and implemented explicit strategies of democracy promotion by providing assistance to governments, political parties, and other non-governmental groups and organizations all over the world. One particularly challenging region has been the Middle East and North Africa, where democratic development and democracy aid opportunities have been limited and constrained by a variety of factors related to social, economic, and political characteristics of the region and policy priorities of the United States. This article examines the impact of two major paradigm shifts – the end of the Cold War (1989) and the 9/11 episode (2001) – on the nature, purposes, and consequences of US democracy assistance to the Middle East. Examining democracy aid allocations, social, democratic and political factors in the region, and other variables, the analysis traces the shifts in aid strategies, purposes, and recipients generated by these paradigm shifts and assesses the impact of such assistance on the politics of the region. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of these findings for US democracy promotion policies and the impact of the Arab Spring events as a potential third break point. 相似文献
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Ralph Henham 《International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice》2009,37(3):65-82
This paper argues that recent sustained criticism of judicial sentencing in England and Wales reflects a much deeper malaise afflicting the legitimacy of punishment in the late post-modern era. It suggests that this phenomenon not only threatens the liberal-consensus view of the judiciary as pivotal to the rule of law, but also undermines the rationality which underpins conventional paradigms of criminal justice more generally. The paper goes on to argue that there are important lessons to be learned from engaging with the debates about punishment and sentencing which are taking place on the international stage, suggesting that the crisis in domestic sentencing is really symptomatic of a more fundamental crisis in penal legitimacy affecting the whole of civil society; one that touches upon the role of punishment in the governance of so-called democratic states. The paper concludes that the time may have come to modify the predominant neo-liberal paradigm prevalent in western democracies by developing notions of punishment and sentencing as relational contexts which provide meaningful links between trial outcomes and aspirations for justice. 相似文献
107.
Ralph Dickson 《The Journal of legal history》2013,34(2):188-195
The Philosophical Origins of Modern Contract Doctrine. JAMES GORDLEY. Oxford. 1991. The Clarendon Press. 263 pp. £35 hb; £16.99 pb. A History of the Anglo‐American Common Law of Contract. KEVIN M. TEEVEN. New York. 1990. Greenwood Press, xii + 382 pp. Legal Fiction: Law in the Novels of Nineteenth Century Women Novelists. KATHLEEN LONCAR. London. 1995. Minerva Press. 266pp. (inc Index). £7.99 pb. ISBN 1 85863 668 X. Adversaria: Literature and Law. E.J. HINZ, T. ANDERSON AND A. McGILLIVRAY (eds.) [Special Issue of Mosaic: A Journal for the Interdisciplinary Study of Literature, vol.27 no.4 ‐ December 1994] Winnipeg. 1994. University of Manitoba, ix + 230 pp. $20 pb. ISSN 0027–1276. The Independence of the Judiciary. The View from the Lord Chancellor's Office. ROBERT STEVENS. Oxford. 1993. Clarendon Press, xii + 221 pp (incl. index). £27.50 hb. ISBN 0 19 825815 1 Marriage, Property and Law in Late Imperial Russia. WILLIAM G. WAGNER. Oxford. 1994. Clarendon Press. xiv+413pp (incl. Index) £45 hb. ISBN 0–19–820447–7. 相似文献
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Taylor-Carter Mary Anne Doverspike Dennis Alexander Ralph 《Social Justice Research》1995,8(3):285-303
The controversy surrounding the implementation of affirmative action interventions in organizations underscores the importance
of understanding fairness perceptions of such policies. There is a need for research on the variables which influence evaluations
of affirmative action policies and on whether the content of organizational communications can alter these evaluations. The
present study was designed to investigate the effects of proaffirmative action and antiaffirmative action communications on
fairness evaluations. Cognitive response theory was used as a framework for predicting reactions to pro- and antipreferential
treatment messages and subsequent fairness perceptions. While the results indicated that cognitive responses added to the
prediction of fairness judgments, initial attitude, and message content also had strong effects on the fairness judgments. 相似文献
110.