Preliminary evaluation of the childhood experiences of violence questionnaire short form

Despite advances in child maltreatment research, accurate measurement of exposure remains a key issue. In this study, we evaluated a short form (CEVQ-SF) of the Childhood Experiences of Violence Questionnaire (CEVQ) in a sample of adolescents involved with child protection services in an urban city in Ontario, Canada. Focusing on the two most readily defined maltreatment types, physical and sexual abuse, we evaluated the short form's comparability with the full version of the CEVQ. Both versions had good internal consistency and moderate-to-good 2-week test-retest reliability. The criterion validity of the two CEVQ versions in comparison with the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire was satisfactory. Construct validity for both versions was demonstrated: physically and sexually abused youth had higher odds of reporting clinical traumatic symptoms compared with either type alone. The CEVQ-SF is as reliable and valid as its full version. Implications for its use in large population-based surveys are discussed.     

Evaluating provincial budgetary policy

Abstract: This paper reviews the period 1965-84, providing an analysis of the contribution of provincial budgets to regional stabilization and the impact of budgets on the financial position of provincial governments. The perversity hypothesis, which proposes that provincial budgetary behaviour may serve to exacerbate rather than reduce cyclical swings in local economies, is examined. An effort is made to differentiate between the automatic and discretionary components of provincial budgets, by calculating cyclically and inflation-adjusted revenues, expenditures and budget balances. A budget balance analysis arrives at the following conclusions: the behaviour of provincial budgets, including both automatic and discretionary components, was stabilizing, for the most part, during the study period; however, in most cases, discretionary budgetary policy was perverse. A regression analysis arrives at the following conclusions: in Newfoundland, New Brunswick, Manitoba and Saskatchewan, both revenue and expenditure policy demonstrated neutral cyclical behaviour during the study period; in Nova Scotia and British Columbia, destabilizing expenditure-side behaviour offset stabilizing revenue-side behaviour, while in Quebec, Ontario and Alberta, stabilizing expenditure changes may have dominated destabilizing revenue changes; in Nova Scotia and Manitoba, the long-run rate of expenditure growth exceeded the rate of revenue growth, suggesting a possible structural deficit problem, while the other provinces appear to have exercised greater financial control; and provincial expenditure policy was affected by the electoral cycle, while revenue policy appears to have been unaffected. It is expected that provincial involvement in cyclical regulation will be limited in the immediate future and that the provinces will take further steps to shore up their finances, following the stresses that were imposed on their budgets by the last recession. Sommaire: Cet article passe en revue la période 1965–1984 et analyse le rôle des budgets provinciaux dans la stabilisation régionale et leur impact sur la situation financière des gouvernements provinciaux. Les auteurs examinent l'hypothèse de l‘“effet pervers” selon lequel la politique budgétaire provinciale accentuerait les revirements cycliques de l’économie locale au lieu de les atténuer. Ils tentent de faire la distinction entre les éléments automatiques et discrétionnaires des budgets provinciaux en calculant les recettes, les dépenses et les soldes budgétaires ajustés en tenant compte de leur aspect cyclique et de l'inflation. Une analyse du solde budgétaire mène aux conclusions suivantes: les budgets provinciaux, et leurs éléments automatiques et discrétionnaires, ont eu en général un effet stabilisateur pendant la période étudiée; cependant, dans la plupart des cas, la politique budgétaire discrétionnaire a eu un effet pervers. Une analyse de régression mène aux constatations suivantes: à Terre-Neuve, au Nouveau-Brunswick, au Manitoba et en Saskatchewan, les politiques de recettes et de dépenses ont eu un effet cyclique neutre pendant la période étudiée; en Nouvelle-Écosse et en Colombie-Britannique, l'effet déstabilisateur des dépenses a annulé l'effet stabilisateur des recettes, tandis qu'au Québec, en Ontario et en Alberta, il semble que les changements stabilisateurs dans les dépenses aient dominé les changements déstabilisateurs dans les recettes; en Nouvelle-Écosse et au Manitoba, le taux de croissance à long terme des dépenses a été supérieur au taux de croissance des recettes, ce qui est peut-être le signe d'un problème de déficit structurel, bien que les autres provinces semblent exercer un plus grand contrôle financier; la politique provinciale de dépenses a subi les contrecoups du cycle électoral alors que la politique de recettes ne semble pas avoir été touchée. On prévoit que l'intervention provinciale dans la règlementation cyclique sera limitée dans un proche avenir et que les provinces prendront de nouvelles mesures pour consolider leurs finances, suite aux contraintes budgétaires que la dernière récession leur a imposée.     

Oliver Cromwell--The Grinch That Stole Christmas

Keeping track of legislative history—even within one’sown jurisdiction—is not always easy. Some sources—evenprimary sources—are obscure. One such instance is thelegislation of the English Interregnum. The English Common Lawconveniently smoothes over this disruption to legal continuityby means of a legal fiction. The restored monarchy takes effectas if the discontinuity had never taken place. Although notking de facto until 29 May 1660, Charles II is king de jurefrom the execution of Charles I on 30 January 1649. The regnalyears flow unabated for parliaments without a king, no lessthan they did for the 11 years that Charles I ruled personallywithout a parliament. Historians focus on the facts, while lawyers prescribe a greaterforcefulness to law. The Interregnum is a fact that for itsown time took precedence over law. Nevertheless, what is oneto do with the 10 years of intervening and often anomalouslyenacted legislation? The proponents of the Cromwellian Protectoratesay recognise it, while the Restoration Monarchists say ignoreit. There has already been a long drawn-out Civil War, so thecompromise is to leave the records hard to find and let thelegislation languish, thus providing one of the earliest examplesof political correctness. Under various rules of recognition, the intervening legislationof the Long and Little Parliaments, together with the Ordinancesof the Protectorate, have legislative status. As seen to satisfythe legislative protocols of their own time, such Acts and Ordinancesare arguably either statute law, or else, through subsequentparliamentary confirmation, are given the force of statute law. The fact remains that much of this extraordinary legislationremains hard to find. Rumours abound—especially in suchareas of highly disputatious, politically controversial, radicallyreformative, and otherwise outrightly pathological legislation.Until authenticated, one of the most obvious examples of apparentlyapocryphal, but obviously pathological legislation is that whichoutlawed the celebration of Christmas in England. This articletracks this legislation down to an Appendix to the Directoryfor Public Worship. According to its title, this was ‘anOrdinance for taking away the Book of Common Prayer and forestablishing and putting in execution of the Directory for thePublique Worship of God’. Although without royal assent,this was passed by the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliamenton 4 January 1644/1645. This article is as much concerned withthe process of legislative research and legal authenticationas it is with the substantive and jurisprudential issues.     

AFRICOM: a threat or an opportunity for African security?

The establishment of an African military command by the United States reflects the growing focus of the United States on Africa in the US National Security Strategy, which appears to be continuing under new US President Barack Obama. This article deals with several questions. What is the stated US National Security Strategy pertaining to Africa? What national interests does the United States have in Africa? What is the United States officially saying about its objectives in Africa and what has it actually been doing to date? And what are other opinion makers saying about US military involvement in Africa? Finally, it looks at the question of US perceptions of possible rivals in Africa and at potential scenarios for conflict before making a series of conclusions about the threats and opportunities posed by AFRICOM for Africa, and recommendations for a response to AFRICOM on the part of policymakers in South Africa.