全文获取类型
收费全文 | 4767篇 |
免费 | 154篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 232篇 |
工人农民 | 182篇 |
世界政治 | 341篇 |
外交国际关系 | 128篇 |
法律 | 2993篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 28篇 |
政治理论 | 985篇 |
综合类 | 31篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 61篇 |
2019年 | 69篇 |
2018年 | 85篇 |
2017年 | 105篇 |
2016年 | 105篇 |
2015年 | 94篇 |
2014年 | 87篇 |
2013年 | 491篇 |
2012年 | 130篇 |
2011年 | 121篇 |
2010年 | 106篇 |
2009年 | 104篇 |
2008年 | 133篇 |
2007年 | 129篇 |
2006年 | 127篇 |
2005年 | 122篇 |
2004年 | 126篇 |
2003年 | 120篇 |
2002年 | 112篇 |
2001年 | 181篇 |
2000年 | 169篇 |
1999年 | 128篇 |
1998年 | 68篇 |
1997年 | 52篇 |
1996年 | 43篇 |
1995年 | 56篇 |
1994年 | 50篇 |
1993年 | 47篇 |
1992年 | 91篇 |
1991年 | 88篇 |
1990年 | 106篇 |
1989年 | 87篇 |
1988年 | 83篇 |
1987年 | 83篇 |
1986年 | 104篇 |
1985年 | 109篇 |
1984年 | 76篇 |
1983年 | 78篇 |
1982年 | 50篇 |
1981年 | 47篇 |
1980年 | 44篇 |
1979年 | 48篇 |
1978年 | 55篇 |
1976年 | 35篇 |
1975年 | 46篇 |
1974年 | 61篇 |
1973年 | 55篇 |
1972年 | 42篇 |
1970年 | 34篇 |
1969年 | 41篇 |
排序方式: 共有4921条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
101.
Brian F. Schaffner 《American journal of political science》2005,49(4):803-817
The gender gap has been an important feature of American elections since 1980. Yet, most explanations for the effects of gender on voting behavior focus on differences between men and women without taking account of how campaign strategies may serve to highlight or mask these differences. I examine how Senate candidates act strategically in deciding whether and how to target women voters. I find that candidates make these decisions based largely on two factors: (1) the importance of these issues to the state's voters and (2) whether gender gaps had been decisive in previous statewide contests. Analysis of exit-poll data indicates that when campaigns focused more on women's issues, women became more likely to vote Democratic while the vote choices of men were unaffected. Thus, campaign strategies do appear to influence the importance of gender differences in voting behavior. 相似文献
102.
The US presidential and congressional elections, November 2004 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
103.
Elizabeth F. Cohen 《Citizenship Studies》2005,9(2):221-240
This article addresses the subject of children's citizenship in liberal democracies. While children may lack full capability to act in the capacity of citizens, the political status to which they have been relegated leaves much to be desired. Paternalist policies dictate that children be represented politically by their parents, leaving them as or more vulnerable and excluded from private life as women were under coverture. Lacking independent representation or a voice in politics, children and their interests often fail to be understood because the adults who do represent them conflate, or substitute, their own views for those of children. Compounding this damage is the tendency for democratic societies to view children not as an ever-present segment of the populace, but rather as future adults. This encourages disregard for children's interests. Until democratic societies establish a better-defined and comprehensive citizenship for children, along with methods for representation that are sensitive to the special political circumstances faced by children, young people will remain ill-governed and neglected by democratic politics. 相似文献
104.
105.
106.
107.
108.
In this note, new data concerning the agrarian structure of Bangladesh are employed to test the efficacy of ceilings on the size of landholdings as a means of making land available to the landless and the near landless. The data confirm that the numbers of potential claimants for land far exceeds the potential supply, even if ceilings on holdings were lowered from 100 standard bighas (331/3 acres) to 25 standard bighas (81/3 acres). 相似文献
109.
110.
R. E. F. Smith 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(4):489-490
Eric Hobsbawm's outline of the concept of social banditry suggest certain conditions of existence for that mode of primitive rebellion. Primary among these conditions are the presence of a ‘traditional peasant environment and the absence of ‘industrial capitalism’. This paper presents a critique of Hobsbawm's specifications, and suggest two alternative conditions: the presence of class conflict which unites direct producers, and the absence of effective, institutionalised political organisation of producers’ interests. This reformulation is illustrated by reference to the Kelly Outbreak in late nineteenth century Australia. 相似文献