全文获取类型
| 收费全文 | 2794篇 |
| 免费 | 197篇 |
专业分类
| 各国政治 | 394篇 |
| 工人农民 | 111篇 |
| 世界政治 | 303篇 |
| 外交国际关系 | 297篇 |
| 法律 | 1069篇 |
| 中国政治 | 41篇 |
| 政治理论 | 742篇 |
| 综合类 | 34篇 |
出版年
| 2024年 | 15篇 |
| 2023年 | 41篇 |
| 2022年 | 3篇 |
| 2021年 | 48篇 |
| 2020年 | 84篇 |
| 2019年 | 202篇 |
| 2018年 | 119篇 |
| 2017年 | 155篇 |
| 2016年 | 208篇 |
| 2015年 | 185篇 |
| 2014年 | 155篇 |
| 2013年 | 622篇 |
| 2012年 | 136篇 |
| 2011年 | 123篇 |
| 2010年 | 137篇 |
| 2009年 | 82篇 |
| 2008年 | 103篇 |
| 2007年 | 69篇 |
| 2006年 | 62篇 |
| 2005年 | 42篇 |
| 2004年 | 45篇 |
| 2003年 | 42篇 |
| 2002年 | 52篇 |
| 2001年 | 18篇 |
| 2000年 | 27篇 |
| 1999年 | 15篇 |
| 1998年 | 18篇 |
| 1997年 | 19篇 |
| 1996年 | 14篇 |
| 1995年 | 15篇 |
| 1994年 | 13篇 |
| 1993年 | 15篇 |
| 1992年 | 7篇 |
| 1991年 | 6篇 |
| 1990年 | 8篇 |
| 1989年 | 7篇 |
| 1988年 | 9篇 |
| 1987年 | 4篇 |
| 1986年 | 6篇 |
| 1985年 | 7篇 |
| 1984年 | 8篇 |
| 1983年 | 6篇 |
| 1981年 | 6篇 |
| 1980年 | 6篇 |
| 1979年 | 4篇 |
| 1978年 | 8篇 |
| 1977年 | 6篇 |
| 1976年 | 2篇 |
| 1974年 | 2篇 |
| 1970年 | 2篇 |
排序方式： 共有2991条查询结果，搜索用时 15 毫秒
41.
Using data from an experimental evaluation of the New Hope project, an anti‐poverty program that increased employment and income, this study examined the effects of New Hope on entry into marriage among never‐married mothers. Among never‐married mothers, New Hope significantly increased rates of marriage. Five years after random assignment, 21 percent of women assigned to the New Hope condition were married, compared to 12 percent of those assigned to the control group. The New Hope impact on marriage was robust to variations in model specification. The program also increased income, wage growth, and goal efficacy among never‐married mothers, and decreased depression. In non‐experimental analyses, income and earnings were associated with higher probability of marriage and material hardship was associated with lower probability of marriage. © 2006 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management 相似文献
42.
David Mena‐Aleman 《Politics & Policy》2006,34(1):196-215
This article comments on how the British Broadcasting Corporation sought to create interest in, provide information of, and encourage public debate on, the issues of the 2005 British General Election in its terrestrial television programs. I argue that delivering high quality news programs is a key democratic purpose and seek to highlight that election programs are a key component of a sophisticated package of guarantees for a safe, intelligent, and meaningful participation within the democratic process. Such guarantees are, however, threatened by the conditions of a multichannel/multimedia environment. My aim is to provide some initial reflections on, and generate further discussion concerning, how the BBC could provide better election programs. In doing so, I hope to highlight the importance of its election campaign provision within a multichannel/multimedia environment. 相似文献
43.
In analyzing the results of the 2000 Florida election, we argue the need for a more theoretical model of ballot invalidation. The majority of studies to date link together both undervotes and overvotes into one measure of “rejected,” “voided” or “invalidated” ballots. We demonstrate that these two types of errors are notably distinct. Specifically, overvoting involves more cognitive or “decision” errors, while undervoting is more a product of mechanical or “physical” errors. As such, we maintain that undervotes are more likely to be the product of random error and are less likely to be related to the racial composition of a district than are overvotes. 相似文献
44.
The Central District Council (CDC) in Botswana expanded service delivery to five sub‐districts in January 2000 using a model adapted from the South Somerset District Council, UK. As little data were available on the effectiveness of decentralised service delivery, officials and councillors throughout CDC were interviewed regarding their perception of the process. They not only provided recommendations for enhanced implementation but also identified some of the tensions resulting from it. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
45.
Jean‐Claude Garcia‐Zamor 《公共行政管理与发展》2002,22(3):235-248
Since 1990, the German government has been demanding from the civil servants of the former East Germany a new adaptability and creativity that was never promoted in the GDR bureaucracy. The article analyses the change of ethics in the former East Germany after 1990. It looks at the development of the German civil service, discusses the economic disparity between East and West, and examines the ethical tradition in the former socialist country. It uses the case of the selection in 2001 of the city of Leipzig by BMW as the location of a new manufacturing plant as an illustration of the new goal‐oriented activities of the present Eastern bureaucracy. More than 250 European cities were competing for the new plant, which will create over 10,000 jobs. The level of performance of the Leipzig bureaucracy in the BMW case reveals the new efficiency and professionalism of the former Eastern civil service. In addition to Leipzig, virtually all the local and state administrations from the former East Germany have developed a sense of the necessities of the time, including globalization. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
46.
Peter‐Alberto Behrens 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2002,2(3):173-176
Reunification, growing international exposure and the move of the capital from Bonn to Berlin are not merely milestones for the major changes that have occurred in German politics since World War II. They are developments that have profoundly affected and continue to affect political life in Germany. The way that political, civic and economic interests engage with the political system has changed, and this raises the question of what public affairs is and can achieve in this context. As practitioner the author observes four main trends. First, public affairs is increasingly being understood in terms of the meaning of the German word ‘Gesellschaftspolitik’. Second, the changing nature of how political issues are being communicated demands a growing expertise from all the players involved. Third, the general feeling among organisations for ‘need to do something political’ does not yet correspond with a specific demand for public affairs services. And last, a market for high profile consultancy‐led public affairs services is still in the making. Public affairs practitioners in Germany will be key in shaping and developing the profile of public affairs as a serious discipline with services and expertise, maturely tailored to local market needs. Copyright © 2002 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
47.
48.
49.
Decentralization is argued to create incentives for local and regional politicians to be more responsive and accountable to their constituents, but few studies have directly tested this claim. We use survey data from Colombia to examine individual‐level evaluations of the degree to which decentralization prompts citizens to view department government as more accountable. We estimate the effect of administrative, fiscal, and political decentralization, controlling for participation, political knowledge, confidence in government, education, and income on perceptions of accountability. Our results indicate that administrative and fiscal decentralization improve perceptions of accountability, while political decentralization does not. 相似文献
50.
Jordan Gans‐Morse Sebastián Mazzuca Simeon Nichter 《American journal of political science》2014,58(2):415-432
Although many studies of clientelism focus exclusively on vote buying, political machines often employ diverse portfolios of strategies. We provide a theoretical framework and formal model to explain how and why machines mix four clientelist strategies during elections: vote buying, turnout buying, abstention buying, and double persuasion. Machines tailor their portfolios to the political preferences and voting costs of the electorate. They also adapt their mix to at least five contextual factors: compulsory voting, ballot secrecy, political salience, machine support, and political polarization. Our analysis yields numerous insights, such as why the introduction of compulsory voting may increase vote buying, and why enhanced ballot secrecy may increase turnout buying and abstention buying. Evidence from various countries is consistent with our predictions and suggests the need for empirical studies to pay closer attention to the ways in which machines combine clientelist strategies. 相似文献