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401.
In this investigation of the effects of modeling and cognitive induction on moral reasoning, 87 junior high school students were exposed to moral reasoning, characteristic of either one stage above (+1) or one stage below (?1) their dominant stage, as determined by pretesting. The presented reasoning was attributed to a model of either high, neutral, or low status/relevance to the content of the moral dilemmas used. A multiple-choice adaptation of the Kohlberg moral development interview was used at pretesting, at intervention/posttesting, and at delayed posttesting. Analyses of changes in moral reasoning included examination of direct and indirect effects on both an immediate and a delayed posttest. Results indicated significant and stable change in moral reasoning associated with the developmental stage of the message (+1 produced advances, but ?1 failed to induce significant regression) and significant temporary change associated with the characteristics of the model (high status/relevance models had greater influence than did neutral models). It is suggested that future research and educational efforts give attention to both the moral stage of the intervention and the nature of the source to which it is attributed. 相似文献
402.
403.
In contrast to the traditional modeling of voter choice based on proximity, under directional models, selection of candidates is based on the direction and/or intensity of change from a status quo or neutral point. Voter choice can also be modeled as representing both approaches, e.g., as a directional model with proximity restraint, or alternatively, in terms of proximity to discounted positions. We provide a unified perspective for these seemingly disparate models in terms of what we call “shadow” positions. We demonstrate that voter choice in a variety of spatial models including directional components can be viewed as proximity-based choices. Voters choose the candidate whose shadow is nearer, where shadow locations are defined by a simple transformation. We apply this approach to equilibrium analysis, showing that results for a discounted proximity model can be carried over – via shadows – to a variety of directional models. 相似文献
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407.
Conclusion The UN has to date not been effective in preventing genocide, and has had only a slightly better record in stopping it. There
have been occasions when its interventions has occurred only after a genocide has taken place, and even then its major focus
has been on facilitating the provision of aid by non-governmental agencies rather than on the task of tracking down the perpetrators
and bringing them to justice. The exceptions of the ICTY and the ICTR are so stark, in this regard, that they only serve to
throw light on the many other genocidal events where the UN has not initiated measures against those responsible for carrying
them out. In short, as a body the UN has no—until very recently—even approached the fulfillment of its mandate as articulated
in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, and only rarely invoked Chapter VII of the UN
Charter in order to intervene physically for the purpose of countering threats to peace or stopping conflict. Its strengths,
so far as there have been any, have focused on balancing great power interests with demands to intervene more forcefully.
While in the years up to 1989 this could be seen as a way of maintaining the peace (albeit over the broken bodies of victims
of genocide in places such as Biafra, Cambodia, and East Timor), since then the UN has been required to act with greater resolve
and purpose. The failures of Bosnia, Rwanda, and Kosovo must thus be seen as having been brought on by a transition from one
international regime to another; from a Cold War regime in which the UN—s main role was one of preventing a third (and possibly
nuclear) World War from breaking out, to a post-Cold War regime which appears increasingly to be characterized by the UN searching
for a new role in which humanitarian issues are to assume a higher priority than they once did. Whether or not this will continue,
of course, will depend on an extremely wide variety of circumstances—and at this time it is likely that only a few of these
can accurately be anticipated. 相似文献
408.
The standard approach to two-party political competition in a multi-dimensional issue space models voters as voting for the alternative that is located closest to their own most preferred location. Another approach to understanding voter choice is based on preferred direction of change with respect to some specified neutral point (e.g., an origin or status quo point). For the two-dimensional Matthews directional model (Matthews, 1979), we provide geometric conditions in terms of the number of medians through the neutral point for there to be a Condorcet (undominated) direction. In this two-dimensional setting, the set of residual locations for which no Condorcet directions exist is identical to the null dual set (Schofield, 1978) and to the heart (Schofield, 1993). In two dimensions, for most locations of the origin/status quo point, a Condorcet direction exists and points toward the yolk, a geometric construct first identified by McKelvey (1986). We also provide some simulation results on the size of the null dual set in two dimensions when the underlying distribution of points is non-symmetric. 相似文献
409.
This paper explores the effect of electoral competition onstate and local expenditures in the US during the politicalenvironment following the tax revolt of the late 1970s. Itutilizes a theoretical model in which both electoralcompetition and tax and expenditure limits impact spending.Empirical results indicate the tax revolt's primary impact wastransmitted through political candidate competition, notthrough the adoption of tax or expenditure limitations, as iscommonly believed. However, tax and expenditure limits doaffect public education expenditures. 相似文献
410.