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Frederick Z. Brown 《East Asia》1993,12(4):3-21
The three states of Indochina are engaged in the most radical economic transformation of any of the nations in Southeast Asia. Of the three countries, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, with a population of 70 million, is the most important to the market economies of Asia and the West. Although their individual situations vary greatly, the systemic reforms of all three countries emphasize decentralization and privatization, and permit market forces considerable scope in determining economic activity. They remain several decades behind most of their counterparts in the rest of Southeast Asia with respect to the standards of living of their populations and the overall development of their economies. With the end of the Cold War, they have had to redirect their external political relationships and must contemplate internal political reforms occasioned by influences accompanying a new economic orientation. In Vietnam and Laos, the Communist party is in command of the society’s fundamental decisions; it is determined to retain political control. In Cambodia, pluralism and a form of democracy are mandated by the United Nations and by the new Cambodian constitution. Over the near term, full membership in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) will be important to all three countries once their economies become compatible with the other ASEANs. 相似文献
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Kerry Brown 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》1997,56(4):57-66
In this article, state public sector Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO) outcomes of housing agencies in three states, New South Wales, Queensland and Western Australia are analysed and compared. EEO policies, programs and subsequent outcomes for women in the areas of reducing gender-based job segregation and income disparities, providing avenues for career progression and access to non-traditional jobs are evaluated to determine how different types of administrative and managerial structures influence equity outcomes. The research addresses the question of whether a centralised administrative structure or a devolved corporate management approach provides a more appropriate model for delivering public sector equity policies and programs. The case study findings indicate that a traditional administrative structure based on central control provides no guarantee of better equity results. 相似文献
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International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue internationale de Sémiotique juridique - 相似文献
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This article examines the origins and evolution of IMF lending practices through the lens of sociological theories about organizations.
Organizations founded on multilateral agreements are prone to having unusually ambiguous mandates. With such loose formal
bureaucratic moorings, organizations like the IMF tend to be influenced by the dominant ideas and interests in their environments.
Sarah Babb is assistant professor of sociology at Boston College. She is author ofManaging Mexico: Economists from Nationalism to Neoliberalism, and co-author with Marion Fourcade-Gourinchas of an article analyzing the historical antecedents of neoliberal reforms in
four countries (forthcoming in theAmerican Journal of Sociology).
Many thanks to Fred Block for persistently supporting and critiquing several earlier versions of this paper. Thanks also to
Jane D’Arista and Laurel Smith-Doerr for clarifying my thinking on a number of points. 相似文献
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Jonathan N. Brown 《安全研究》2014,23(2):258-292
Why might public acknowledgment of cooperative security negotiations generate bargaining constraints that provoke stalemate? Previous scholarship points to aroused public opinion. Yet in many cases where hard-line bargaining stances develop and talks collapse following public acknowledgment, it is not domestic political pressures that tie leaders’ hands. This article examines instead an international constraint attendant to publicity: opposition by third-party states. I argue that international power position shapes the balance of vulnerability between the negotiating parties to abandonment and entanglement. The act of official acknowledgment can constrain the more vulnerable partner by enabling third-party states to credibly scrutinize its intentions. By threatening strained relations, such scrutiny can create a security dilemma that reduces the weaker partner's bargaining range to a choice between cooperation on its terms and noncooperation. I evaluate this argument by studying foreign military basing negotiations. Statistical analyses and a comparative case study produce strong support for my argument. 相似文献