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361.
The National Household Education Survey, a nationally representative data set (N=4,306 high school students and one parent of each), was analyzed to describe characteristics of adolescents, the nature of
their service activities, and academic, behavioral and civic outcomes associated with service (voluntary compared to school-required
and by type of service). Participation in any service is associated with positive outcomes whether service is voluntary or
required. Adolescents who worked directly with individuals in need had better academic adjustment; those who worked for organizations
had better civic outcomes than adolescents who performed other types of service. Findings are discussed in terms of their
significance for adolescent development, educational policy, and the use of large national data sets to examine service participation.
Assistant Professor of Educational Psychology at Northern Illinois University. She received her Ph.D. in Psychology: Human
Development from the University of Chicago. Her research interests include motivation, resilience, and positive youth development.
Professor at Northern Illinois University. She received her Ph.D. in Educational Psychology from the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
Her research interests include family, community, and out-of-school influences on child and adolescent educational adjustment.
Received her M.S. Ed. in Educational Psychology from Northern Illinois University, where she is currently pursuing her doctoral
degree. Her current research interests involve the role of adolescents' family, community and school contexts in fostering
their social, moral, and educational development. 相似文献
362.
363.
Sven Gunnar Simonsen 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(4):707-729
This article argues that ethnicity has become increasingly salient in Afghan politics and society during the years of war, and discusses how the country's new institutions can be designed in a way that will contribute towards a reversal of this trend. The article examines a series of policy issues with a bearing on inclusion vs exclusion in inter‐ethnic relations: political institution building (institutions of government, electoral system, and centre–region relations), land rights, state religion, the census and the new identity document. For each of these the article discusses what outcome would best contribute to longer‐term stability and integration by stimulating inclusive, integrative identities—and what the problems and prospects are for these outcomes to be realised. The article specifically discusses warlords' role as spoilers, and the potential and limitations to the leverage on Afghan politics that is held by international actors, above all the USA. 相似文献
364.
Sven Gunnar Simonsen 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(8):1483-1501
Built by outside powers and targeted against local insurgents, the new national armies of Afghanistan and Iraq are fragile institutions. The legitimacy of these forces is limited in the deeply divided societies in which they exist. Whereas low levels of legitimacy exert a disintegrative pressure upon an army, cohesion counterweighs such pressure. This article engages the theory of military unit cohesion for the purpose of increasing understanding of the challenges to cohesion faced by the new armies of Afghanistan and Iraq. Two main sources of legitimacy for the new armies are discussed: the (ethnic/sectarian) composition of the forces, and their respective missions. Challenges to cohesion are found to depend on how soldiers are recruited and units composed: ethnically/sectarian mixed units may disintegrate because of weak horizontal cohesion; homogeneous units (particularly when recruited as groups and not individually) may splinter off because of weak vertical cohesion. The article also argues that promoting an image of the army as ‘national’ within a society may reduce disintegrative pressures. 相似文献
365.
Sven Jochem 《West European politics》2013,36(3):115-138
This article provides an overview of the Nordic labour market policies targeted to promote employment and reduce open unemployment since the early 1980s. Applying a disentangled approach, the goal is to analyse the policies of stimulating employment, the policies of influencing labour supply and, finally, active and passive labour market policies. It is argued that the employment crises of the early 1990s were mainly caused by domestic factors and, partly as a way to react to the challenge, the Nordic countries learned to use labour force supply as a policy instrument to combat unemployment. Additionally, the Nordic countries choose different ways to adapt to the imperatives of the globalised economy, hence, at the beginning of the new millennium, Nordic labour market policies are in flux. 相似文献
366.
Vivien A. Schmidt 《West European politics》2013,36(1-2):302-320
Much has changed in European political economy over the past 30 years, both in terms of the political economic realities and the scholarly explanations of those realities. National economic policies and policymaking have undergone major transformations, largely in response to the pressures of globalisation and Europeanisation. Such transformations have entailed significant alterations in the role of the state, the importance of business, and the power of labour. In light of these changes in the political economic realities, political economists have shifted their focus over time, first taking labour out of the equation, then bringing the state back in only to devalue it in light of globalisation and Europeanisation before putting the firm front and centre. Only recently has the state been brought back in yet again while labour has made a comeback. 相似文献
367.
Jill Gregory April Lewton Stephanie Schmidt Diane "Dani" Smith Mark Mattern 《New Political Science》2013,35(3):433-448
The Clothesline Project uses t-shirt art to address the issue of violence against women. Others have argued that the Clothesline Project empowers women in general and female victims of violence in particular. In this article we attempt to deepen this argument, first, by tying it to the existing "faces of power" literature. Using this literature, we argue that the Clothesline Project empowers by creating a public space for political action, offering an alternative communicative medium, educating in a context of dismissal and silence, and contributing to social and cultural transformation. Second, we develop the notion of affective power and argue that it amplifies the practical power of the Clothesline Project. 相似文献
368.
The aim of this article is to contribute to our understanding of both the debate over the war in Iraq and its implications for the future of U.S. foreign policy by examining the relationship between neoconservatism and realism. The article begins by establishing the connection between the tenets of neoconservatism and the arguments for war against Iraq. The primary focus is on the neoconservative Bush Doctrine that served as the primary justification for the Iraq War. Next, we turn to the arguments that realists put forth in their attempt to steer America away from the road to war. The realists, however, proved to be unsuccessful in their attempt to prevent war and in the final section we address the central question of the article; why did realism fail in the debate over Iraq? 相似文献
369.
ABSTRACTDoes the executive's institutional hegemony represent a risk to the survival of democracy? By hegemony, we refer to the president's ability to control other institutions, particularly the legislature and judiciary. To answer this question, we develop two indices of presidential hegemony and analyze the duration of democratic regimes in 18 Latin American countries between 1925 and 2016. The results show that executive hegemony is a major driver of democratic instability. This finding is robust to non-linear effects and to potential endogeneity in the relationship between presidential power and democratic backsliding. Our findings challenge traditional concerns about executive-legislative deadlock, and have significant implications for the nascent literature on democratic backsliding, which highlights executive aggrandizement as a risk factor. 相似文献
370.
Christian B. Jensen Sven‐Oliver Proksch Jonathan B. Slapin 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2013,38(2):259-282
This study examines when and why members of the European Parliament (EP) use parliamentary questions as a form of fire alarm oversight. We argue that the multilevel nature of the EU political system allows members of the EP from national opposition parties to use parliamentary questions to alert the European Commission to governments' failures to implement EU policy. Representation in the EP provides the only avenue for such oversight for national opposition parties. Using a new sample of EP parliamentary questions, we demonstrate that MEPs from national opposition parties are more likely to alert the Commission to violations of EU law in their own member states. These parliamentary questions may lead the Commission to take legal action against member‐state governments. 相似文献