首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   2526篇
  免费   70篇
各国政治   82篇
工人农民   205篇
世界政治   99篇
外交国际关系   95篇
法律   1657篇
中国政治   15篇
政治理论   434篇
综合类   9篇
  2021年   17篇
  2020年   17篇
  2019年   27篇
  2018年   122篇
  2017年   63篇
  2016年   135篇
  2015年   58篇
  2014年   44篇
  2013年   190篇
  2012年   159篇
  2011年   126篇
  2010年   41篇
  2009年   61篇
  2008年   51篇
  2007年   55篇
  2006年   63篇
  2005年   420篇
  2004年   127篇
  2003年   60篇
  2002年   36篇
  2001年   34篇
  2000年   23篇
  1999年   29篇
  1998年   13篇
  1997年   15篇
  1996年   14篇
  1994年   9篇
  1992年   32篇
  1991年   35篇
  1990年   44篇
  1989年   50篇
  1988年   35篇
  1987年   31篇
  1986年   40篇
  1985年   36篇
  1984年   20篇
  1983年   23篇
  1982年   13篇
  1980年   11篇
  1979年   14篇
  1978年   12篇
  1975年   15篇
  1974年   28篇
  1973年   17篇
  1972年   17篇
  1971年   20篇
  1970年   14篇
  1968年   12篇
  1967年   9篇
  1965年   8篇
排序方式: 共有2596条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
81.
The human rights literature on child soldiers has long emphasized conflict zones in the Global South, fostering the stereotype of the gun-toting African child while ignoring militarizing practices in the West. Of note, the existing human rights legal framework fails to address the reality of Western youth exposed to military recruiting in their schools. Seeking to address this limitation, we examine some of the primary methods the US military employs to “penetrate” American high schools in search of new recruits. We discuss the apparent targeting by military recruiters of communities with large numbers of low-income students, immigrants, and youth of color. Indeed, in many educational settings, students with limited access to college preparatory programs find themselves ensnared in a “web of militarism” that sharply limits their career options. Drawing on primary source material and military recruiting documents, we demonstrate how US schools are sites for the socialization of youth to a culture of militarism and, ultimately, the production of child soldiers. Thus, we argue that the military presence in US schools be included in the debate over the militarization of youth. We conclude by assessing the discourses and organizing strategies employed by US “counter-recruitment” activists, including some of those who use human rights-based arguments to curb militarism in American schools.  相似文献   
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
While data analysis and the related skills of data management and data visualization are important skills for undergraduates in the field of political science, the process of learning these skills can also be used to develop critical thinking, encourage active and collaborative learning, and to apply knowledge gained in the classroom. Drawing on our experiences using data work in upper-level courses in International Relations and American Politics, we discuss how data work and quantitative analysis can be incorporated into subject-based (i.e., nonmethods specific) courses, and how it can also enhance critical reasoning skills. An evaluation of this approach using direct and indirect assessment is included.  相似文献   
88.
Throughout his career as a literary critic, Alfred Kazin wrote often and with sympathy and insight about Theodore Dreiser, one of the most powerful, panoramic, and compassionate novelists in American literary history. Kazin was an intense reader and writer, committed in his books, essays, and reviews to connecting with and describing the personality of each author he examined. His interpretive work on Dreiser illuminates what it means to be a literary critic and teacher. When we read Kazin in the midst of twenty-first century theory, ideology, and professionalism, we realize all the more clearly the goal in his literary criticism that he aimed for, achieved, and represented—and that now is missing from literary education and experience.  相似文献   
89.
Federal, state, and city governments spend substantial funds on programs intended to aid homeless people, and such programs attract widespread public support. In recent years, however, state and local governments have increasingly enacted policies, such as bans on panhandling and sleeping in public, that are counterproductive to alleviating homelessness. Yet these policies also garner substantial support from the public. Given that programs aiding the homeless are so popular, why are these counterproductive policies also popular? We argue that disgust plays a key role in the resolution of this puzzle. While disgust does not decrease support for aid policies or even generate negative affect towards homeless people, it motivates the desire for physical distance, leading to support for policies that exclude homeless people from public life. We test this argument using survey data, including a national sample with an embedded experiment. Consistent with these expectations, our findings indicate that those respondents who are dispositionally sensitive to disgust are more likely to support exclusionary policies, such as banning panhandling, but no less likely to support policies intended to aid homeless people. Furthermore, media depictions of the homeless that include disease cues activate disgust, increasing its impact on support for banning panhandling. These results help explain the popularity of exclusionary homelessness policies and challenge common perspectives on the role of group attitudes in public life.  相似文献   
90.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号