首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   1391篇
  免费   81篇
各国政治   84篇
工人农民   94篇
世界政治   110篇
外交国际关系   89篇
法律   677篇
中国政治   13篇
政治理论   399篇
综合类   6篇
  2023年   7篇
  2022年   5篇
  2021年   13篇
  2020年   23篇
  2019年   39篇
  2018年   62篇
  2017年   67篇
  2016年   56篇
  2015年   43篇
  2014年   53篇
  2013年   218篇
  2012年   52篇
  2011年   50篇
  2010年   38篇
  2009年   46篇
  2008年   54篇
  2007年   51篇
  2006年   53篇
  2005年   45篇
  2004年   40篇
  2003年   52篇
  2002年   35篇
  2001年   26篇
  2000年   36篇
  1999年   23篇
  1998年   18篇
  1997年   17篇
  1996年   13篇
  1995年   9篇
  1994年   15篇
  1993年   11篇
  1992年   15篇
  1991年   16篇
  1990年   17篇
  1989年   12篇
  1988年   8篇
  1987年   7篇
  1986年   12篇
  1985年   18篇
  1984年   11篇
  1983年   13篇
  1982年   15篇
  1981年   7篇
  1980年   10篇
  1979年   6篇
  1978年   4篇
  1977年   4篇
  1975年   4篇
  1974年   4篇
  1965年   4篇
排序方式: 共有1472条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
991.
992.
993.
Conclusion The crucial determinant of U.S. and Soviet security, and the security of the world, will not depend on technological development, breakthroughs in deterrence theory, or even on agreements the two countries might sign at the summit talks. The future depends on whether the two governments are able to work together.Both the United States and the Soviet Union have developed procedures for solving conflicts with other governments, even former enemies, without hostilities or threats of force. The essential difference between these relationships and the U.S.-Soviet relationship lies not in the degree of difference in cultural heritage or security interests, but in the way the two governments approach their problems—through consultations and dispute resolution procedures, or through conflict and recrimination.The process of interaction is the essence of a working relationship. It means the difference between hostile confrontation and constructive collaboration, between fear and security, between war and peace. The summit meeting provides an opportunity to change the nature of the relationship, to change the focus of U.S.-Soviet interaction from antagonistic bargaining over divisive issues to constructive collaboration on possible solutions and working procedures. Roger Fisher is Williston Professor of Law at Harvard Law School and Director of the Harvard Negotiation Project, 523 Pound Hall, Harvard Law School, Cambridge, Mass. 02138.Scott Brown is Associate Director of the Harvard Negotiation Project.  相似文献   
994.
This article provides a theoretical framework for analyzing the recruitment and selection of legislative candidates in Latin America. It argues that political recruitment and candidate selection are undertheorized for Latin America yet have determinative impacts on political systems, often overriding the influence of more commonly studied institutional variables. The article elucidates a typology of legislative candidates based on the legal and party variables that lead to the emergence of particular selection methods, as well as the patterns of loyalty generated by those methods. It analyzes the recruitment and selection processes as independent and dependent variables, underscoring the significant effect these procedures have on the incentive structure and subsequent behavior of legislators. Those factors, in turn, have important consequences for democratic governability and the performance of presidentialism.  相似文献   
995.
The law discriminates against low status offenders, but so too might criminologists during the course of their research. In this paper, we address the following question: Does the social status of lawbreakers have an effect on their likelihood of being recruited to offender-based research? The answer to this question is important for reasons that extend beyond academic criminology. If criminologists discriminate, then they themselves are active agents in the reproduction of social disadvantage. If criminology is to reduce inequality, the field must first identify and reduce discriminatory behavior within its own research community.  相似文献   
996.
997.
Edward Hall 《政治学》2010,30(1):11-17
This article questions the plausibility of the interpretation of Hobbes's liberty that Quentin Skinner articulates in Hobbes and Republican Liberty . It argues that Skinner's book fails to prove two of the three claims it must uphold: the 'textual accuracy claim' and his 'methodological claim'. This article maintains that understanding Hobbes's use of liberty in Leviathan according to his definition of 'corporall liberty', as Skinner does, ignores many of Hobbes's claims that invoke liberty outside the beginning of chapter 21, resulting in a one-dimensional reading of Hobbes.  相似文献   
998.
999.
1000.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号