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This article examines recent United Kingdom government proposals for secret inquests, which, it is argued, are part of a general push for secrecy discernible across common law jurisdictions, and which include developments such as increased recourse to sensitive evidence in forensic settings and the normalization of intelligence‐led policing. While the push for secrecy is justified by national security claims, the article shows that in cases of contentious death involving police, the issue is less about national security and more about the use of intercept evidence, covert surveillance, and intelligence‐led policing, all of which have implications for police trust, accountability, and reputation management. 相似文献
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John Scott 《亚洲事务》2013,44(1):18-37
Kashmir, at present, is not being treated as a priority by politicians or policy makers. The author argues that this is a grave mistake. The ground realities which have continued to blight the lives of millions in the region for decades have not been resolved. Not only do they demand resolution, but leave the region fragile and unstable, a danger exacerbated by the nuclear capabilities of India and Pakistan. The domestic narratives within India and Pakistan which lead to heightened hostility have been exacerbated by recent events such as the Mumbai Hotel attacks and cross-border skirmishes. A resolution of Kashmir would reverse these inherent tensions. The unresolved situation also undermines the human rights of the inhabitants of Kashmir. Likewise, it leads to an unconscionable waste of the natural resources of the region, as well as needless restrictions in Indo-Pakistani trade and money being tied up in military conflict. A resolution of the conflict would also have wide-scale benefits in the region, reaching to Afghanistan and China. In conclusion, the author surveys what might be practical ways of resolving the Kashmir problem. 相似文献
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Dayna Nadine Scott 《Feminist Legal Studies》2009,17(3):241-265
This paper explores how law might conceive of the injury or harm of endocrine disruption as it applies to an aboriginal community experiencing chronic chemical pollution. The effect of the pollution in this case is not only gendered, but gendering: it seems to be causing the ‘production’ of two girl babies for every boy born on the reserve. This presents an opening to interrogate how law is implicated in the constitution of not just gender but sex. The analysis takes an embodied turn, attempting to validate the real and material consequences of synthetic chemicals acting on bodies—but uncovers that finding a harm in a declining sex ratio depends on a static conception of the human form, based on unfounded assumptions of ‘naturalness’ and ‘normalcy’. Elizabeth Grosz’s theory of ‘becoming’ offers a compelling challenge, essentially pointing to the conclusion that we should find harm where we find illness and suffering and not simply where we find difference. At the same time, we cannot discount the political economy of the pollution: the paper concludes by returning the focus to the role of power, colonialism and the state in the perpetuation of the pollution on the landscape. 相似文献
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Scott Cook 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(4):442-445
Social Relations in a Philippine Market: Self‐interest and Subjectivity by William G. Davis. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1973. Pp. xiii+315, maps, tables; $12.50. 相似文献
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Scott R. Pearson 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(4):320-333
Net social profitability (NSP) and domestic resource costs of foreign exchange earned or saved (DRC) are conceptually related, since each can be derived from the other. The effective rate of protection on value added (ERP) is algebraically identical to DRC if all importable inputs are actually imported or are zero, NSP is zero, and (ERP+1) is multiplied by the shadow price of foreign exchange. A decision rule for allocation of resources is to approve all projects with a positive NSP and a DRC ratio less than the shadow price of foreign exchange. No comparable rule can be stated for ERP, except under special assumptions. 相似文献
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Eastern Germans are often stereotyped as racist, and some empirical data as well as periodic incidences of violent hate crime seem to confirm the stereotype. This article offers a partial explanation of geographic concentrations of discrimination in Germany that centres on processes of boundary drawing in real contexts between small groups of youths. This is a meso-level approach that contrasts with macro- and micro-level sociological explanations of discrimination. We consider it more correct to say that conditions in much of eastern Germany – as well as in many parts of western Germany – are such that discrimination is more likely to occur within small groups in those places. Data are presented from 29 cities participating in an anti-racism programme that provide some insight into how boundaries are drawn and how some cities are currently attempting to reduce discriminatory behaviour within small groups. Knowledge about how group dynamics leads to discriminatory behaviour is particularly useful for those trying to prevent racism at the local level; intervention is more feasible at the small-group level due to their inherent visibility and accessibility for youth guidance counsellors. 相似文献