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161.
This paper considers the relationship between election campaigns and the impact of economic evaluations on vote choice. The motivation is the standard expectation that the campaign generally serves to amplify the significance of economic considerations in the voter's calculus—to focus his/her attention on this “fundamental” element of the electoral decision. Drawing on survey data from ten national elections across four countries (Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States) and applying both parametric and semi-parametric statistical techniques, the paper finds no support for this proposition. The paper reflects on the significance of this conclusion for work on political learning during election campaigns, the literature on economic voting, and the study of electoral behaviour more generally. 相似文献
162.
Then newly elected Labor Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, made a historic statement of “Sorry” for past injustices to Australian
Indigenous peoples at the opening of the 2008 federal parliament. In the long-standing absence of a constitutional ‘foundational
principle’ to shape positive federal initiatives in this context, there has been speculation that the emphatic Sorry Statement
may presage formal constitutional recognition. The debate is long overdue in a nation that only overturned the legal fiction
of terra nullius and recognised native title to lan with the High Court’s decision in Mabo in 1992. This article explores
the implications of the Sorry Statement in the context of reparations for the generations removed from their families under
assimilation policies (known since the Bringing Them Home Inquiry as the Stolen Generations). We draw out the utility of recent human rights statutes—such as the Human Rights Act 2004 (ACT)—as a mechanism for facilitating justice, including compensation for past wrongs. Our primary concern here is whether
existing legal processes in Australia hold further capacity to provide reparation for Australian Indigenous peoples or whether
their potential in that regard is already exhausted. We compare common law and statutory developments in other international
jurisdictions, such as Canada, as an indication of what can be achieved by the law to facilitate better legal, economic and
social outcomes for Indigenous peoples. The year 2008 also saw Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper express his apology
to residential school victims in the Canadian Parliament, providing thematic and symbolic echoes across these two former colonies,
which, despite remaining under the British monarchy, both forge their own path into the future, while confronting their own
unique colonial past. We suggest that the momentum provided by the recent public apology and statement of “Sorry” by the newly
elected Australian Prime Minister must not be lost. This symbolic utterance as a first act of the 2008 parliamentary year
stood in stark contrast to the long-standing recalcitrance of the former Prime Minister John Howard on the matter of a formal
apology. Rather than a return to a law enforcement-inspired “three strikes and you’re out” approach, Australia stands poised
for an overdue constitutional and human rights-inspired “three ‘sorries’ and you’re in”. 相似文献
163.
Rahi Abouk Scott Adams Bo Feng Johanna Catherine Maclean Michael F. Pesko 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2023,42(4):908-940
E-cigarette taxes are an active area of legislation and have important regulatory implications by proxying e-cigarette accessibility. We examine the effect of e-cigarette taxes on prepregnancy and prenatal smoking using the near-universe of births to mothers conceiving between 2013 and 2019 in the United States. Using fixed effect regressions, we show that e-cigarette taxes increase prepregnancy and prenatal smoking. We also find evidence that e-cigarette taxes reduce prepregnancy and 3rd trimester e-cigarette use. Finally, we show that e-cigarette taxes increase news coverage of e-cigarettes and raise perceptions of risk of e-cigarettes. 相似文献
164.
There is considerable speculation that prison plays a role in radicalization. Many individuals involved in acts of political extremism have spent time in prison, adding credibility to such claims. Despite these assertions, there is little empirical evidence regarding the prison-radicalization link because access to prisons is challenging and there are few valid scales of extremism. Studies that do examine a potential link have small sample sizes or select on extremist case studies. The current study draws on interviews conducted with 802 male prison inmates in Texas the week before their release to the community. Inmates were administered the Activism and Radicalism Intention Scale, one of the few validated scales in the extremism literature. A series of structural equation models revealed several important findings. First, we found that the psychometric properties of the modified two factor model of activism and radicalism intentions were largely acceptable among prison inmates, including subgroupings of Latino, white, black, and gang and non-gang-involved inmates. Second, our findings revealed that there was more activism than radicalism intentions among prison inmates, although levels of both were comparable to non-institutional populations. Activism and radicalism intentions were positively related, although this correlation was weaker than in prior studies. Activism should not be substituted for radicalism. Third, our exploratory analysis of concurrent validity identified few multivariate correlates. Group identification—namely, racial and religious groups—was related to both scales, but in opposite directions. Age was negatively, while street-to-prison gang importation was positively, related to radicalism intention. We outline the implications of these findings for research, policy, and practice on activism, radicalization, and prison. 相似文献
165.
High-profile events involving police use of force in various cities throughout the US and internationally have garnered enormous media coverage and demonstrated the importance of police-community relations. To date little empirical attention has focused on how such events may negatively impact police officers. Using survey data from 567 officers, this study considers whether perceptions of negative publicity are adversely related to officers’ sense of self-legitimacy (i.e. the confidence they have in their authority). Findings revealed officers who felt less motivated as a result of negative publicity expressed less self-legitimacy. However, the degree to which officers felt their job had become more dangerous as a result of negative publicity was not significantly related to self-legitimacy. These findings increase our understanding of the sources of self-legitimacy and reveal that negative publicity surrounding law enforcement presents a unique challenge to officers’ confidence in their authority, which can have important implications for the community. 相似文献
166.
Scott M. Walfield Kelly M. Socia Ráchael A. Powers 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2017,42(1):148-169
Relative to non-bias motivated crimes, hate crimes have much graver consequences for victims and their community. Despite the large increase in religious hate crimes over the past decade relative to all other hate crime, little is known about these types of crimes and the factors associated with both reporting to law enforcement and case outcomes. Utilizing the National Crime Victimization Survey and National Incident-Based Reporting System datasets, this study examines the relationship between victim, offender, and incident characteristics on reporting to law enforcement and case outcomes. Most religious hate crimes are not reported (41.3 %) in part due to perceptions of law enforcement’s perceived response. Of the violent incidents that are reported, the vast majority do not result in the arrest of an offender (22.2 %). Whereas only a small number of variables related to the seriousness of the offense are associated with both reporting and arrest, these exhibited large effect sizes. 相似文献
167.
Media reports routinely reference the drug-related violence in Mexico, linking crime in communities along the Southwest U.S. Border to illegal immigrants. The primary purpose of the current research is to examine whether the media assertions can be supported. Logistic regression models were run to determine the impact of citizenship on the likelihood of disproportionate arrest for federal drug and violent crimes, along the U.S./Mexico border. In arrests for homicide, assault, robbery, and weapons offenses, U.S. citizens were disproportionately more likely than non-citizens to be arrested. The only federal crime where non-citizens were disproportionately more likely to be arrested than were U.S. citizens was for marijuana offenses. Results of the current study challenge the myth of the criminal immigrant. 相似文献
168.
Scott R. Miller Volha Tserakhava Carlin J. Miller 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2011,40(4):442-452
Accumulating evidence suggests that parents may react differentially to children based on their children’s temperament, children’s
gender, and the interaction of these factors. Furthermore, parents’ differential reactions to their children have direct implications
for their children’s social success. The present study assessed the moderating influence of mothers’ and fathers’ psychological
control on the relationship between shy temperament and peer exclusion in grade five children (n = 153; 57% female), an age during which peer connections are particularly salient. Teachers reported on children’s shyness
and peer exclusion, and children reported on parents’ psychological control. Regression analyses showed fathers’ psychological
control to be associated with greater peer exclusion for males. Both mothers’ and fathers’ psychological control were associated
with peer exclusion for shy females. Results suggest the importance of parents considering how psychologically controlling
behaviors may work in concert with their children’s gender and temperament in influencing peer connections during the adolescent
transition. 相似文献
169.
Purpose
This study examined the process of leaving the gang. Gang membership was conceptualized in a life course framework and the motives for why and methods for how one leaves the gang were analyzed.Methods
Data were gathered from a sample of 84 juvenile arrestees in Arizona, all of whom left their gang. Motives for leaving the gang were organized into factors internal (push) and external (pull) to the gang, while methods for leaving the gang were organized into hostile and non-hostile modes of departure. Motives and methods were cross-classified and their correlates were examined, notably in relation to gang ties—persisting social and emotional attachments to the gang.Results
Push motives and non-hostile methods were the modal responses for leaving the gang. While it was not uncommon to experience a hostile departure from the gang, most former gang members reported walking away without ritual violence or ceremony. This method was conditional on the motive for departure, however. None of the individuals leaving the gang for pull or external reasons experienced a hostile departure. While gang ties persisted regardless of motive or method, retaining such ties corresponded with serious consequences.Conclusions
A life course framework is capable of organizing similarities between leaving the gang and desistance from other forms of crime and deviant groups. The process of gang desistance is consistent with asymmetrical causation. Due to limited attention to this process, a typology is introduced as a basis for understanding leaving the gang in relation to desisting from crime. 相似文献170.
Scott E. Wolfe 《Journal of criminal justice》2011,39(1):67