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991.
Scott A. Fritzen Søren Serritzlew Gert Tinggaard Svendsen 《Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis》2014,16(2):117-120
Abstract Corruption and trust are two important determinants of the quality of public sectors. Empirical studies in different literatures suggest that corruption and trust have effects on factors such as economic growth, the quality of democratic institutions, life quality, the size and effectiveness of the public sector and much more. The purpose of this special issue – one that goes to the heart of the comparative policy ethos which is central to the journal's mission – is to draw on a number of country examples to shed light on the state of the literature on the connection between corruption and trust. The aim is to show that these two concepts are highly relevant to each other, and that their interconnections are important to understand the public sector consequences of corruption and trust. By focusing on these concepts, we hope that this special issue can pave the road for further comparative research. 相似文献
992.
Timothy Caulfield Sarah Burningham Yann Joly Zubin Master Mahsa Shabani Pascal Borry Allan Becker Michael Burgess Kathryn Calder Christine Critchley Kelly Edwards Stephanie M. Fullerton Herbert Gottweis Robyn Hyde-Lay Judy Illes Rosario Isasi Kazuto Kato Jane Kaye Bartha Knoppers John Lynch Amy McGuire Eric Meslin Dianne Nicol Kieran O’Doherty Ubaka Ogbogu Margaret Otlowski Daryl Pullman Nola Ries Chris Scott Malcolm Sears Helen Wallace Ma'n H. Zawati 《Journal of Law and the Biosciences》2014,1(1):94-110
993.
994.
In The Calculus of Consent (1962: 235) Buchanan and Tullock assert: (1)?ceteris paribus, while a coalition controlling less than a majority of voters may control in either chamber, the greater the difference in the bases of representation in the two houses, the less likely is any given coalition of voters to control a majority of the seats in both chambers; (2)?the potential of cross-chamber logrolls (on issues of unequal intensity) increases the likelihood that a minority may effectively control policy making. We link these ideas to social theory approaches to bicameralism and for the empirical study of legislatures. 相似文献
995.
Unlike some of its Western counterparts, where the first line of defence against corruption and unethical behavior has been a reliance on a public service ethos, the Hong Kong government has traditionally relied on strict compliance with rules and regulations in its successful drive against bureaucratic malpractices. Since 1997, however, a changing political, economic and administrative environment has also seen efforts to introduce a more value-based approach to integrity. This article examines the factors that have led to the modification of the Hong Kong government??s strategy and evaluates its success in the wider theoretical context of the relationship between a predominantly rule-based and a value-based approach to integrity management. 相似文献
996.
SD Easton 《Journal of prevention & intervention in the community》2012,40(4):291-303
Men who were sexually abused during childhood represent a highly stigmatized, marginalized, and under-researched population at risk for a variety of problems across the lifespan. The purpose of the current study was to (a) describe characteristics of child sexual abuse (CSA) and adverse child experiences (ACE), and (b) examine the relationships among CSA characteristics, ACE, and stressors in adulthood. Using a cross-sectional design, the researcher collected data on 487 adult men through an anonymous, online survey. Bivariate analyses revealed that five CSA characteristics-age at first abuse (r?=?-.164), number of abusers (r?=?.231), use of physical force, penetration, and physical injury-were related to the number of ACE. Three CSA characteristics (use of physical force, penetration, and physical injury) and the number of ACE (r?=?.162) were positively related to the number of stressors in adulthood. Preliminary recommendations for prevention, intervention, and future research are provided. 相似文献
997.
Bray RS 《Journal of law and medicine》2012,19(3):569-592
At the beginning of 2008, the United Kingdom Government rolled into the Counter-Terrorism Bill some controversial proposals to reform coronial inquest processes, namely clauses that would provide for "secret inquests". The provisions were heavily criticised both inside and outside Parliament, and took a rocky passage through both the House of Commons and the House of Lords before eventually being abandoned by the government. In 2009 the government again tried to introduce "secret inquests" with the Coroners and Justice Bill, instead ultimately succeeding in establishing what critics have termed a "parallel" system of justice through provisions around "secret inquiries". This move has been seen as subverting the principles of transparency and open justice in the investigation of contentious deaths. This article examines the government's efforts to introduce "secret inquests" and thereafter "secret inquiries" in the context of the United Kingdom's coronial law and purpose, human rights obligations and the ongoing issues around sensitive intelligence, and examines the clash of laws that gave rise to the controversial proposals. 相似文献
998.
999.
Niemi (1969), in an important but neglected paper, found that when orderings were drawn from a simulation based on the impartial culture, the greater the proportion of voter orderings that were single-peaked (a condition he called partial single-peakedness), the more likely was there to be a transitive group ordering. Niemi also found that the likelihood of transitivity increased with n, group size — approaching one as n grew large. Niemi's simulation was restricted to the case of three alternatives. Also, he provided no theoretical explanation for the results of his simulation. Here we provide a theoretical explanation for Niemi's results in terms of a model based on the idea of net preferences, and we extend his results for the general case of any finite number of alternatives, m, for electorates that are large relative to the number of alternatives being considered. In addition to providing a rationale for Niemi's (1969) simulation results, the ideas of net preferences and opposite preference we make use of have a wide range of potential applications. 相似文献
1000.
A clarification of the effects of unemployment on political participation attitudes and behaviors is developed by contrasting the effect of unemployment experience across categories of socioeconomic status. Data on employed and unemployed heads of household are drawn from the 1976 University of Michigan national presidential election survey. The results indicate both main and interaction effects. Regardless of employment status, lower socioeconomic status respondents are less committed to voting, feel less efficacious, are less interested in politics, and are less politically active than persons of higher status. However, participation attitudes and behaviors are more adversely affected by unemployment experience among those of lower than higher status. Among higher status respondents, attitudes toward self (i.e., feelings of efficacy) and political interest—but not political activity or attitude toward the importance of participation—are altered by unemployment.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Southwestern Sociological meetings in Ft. Worth, Texas, March 1979. 相似文献