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111.
Sean A. Kidd 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2007,36(3):291-299
Building upon previous exploratory qualitative research (Kidd SA (2003) Child Adol Social Work J 20(4):235–261), this paper
examines the mental health implications of social stigma as it is experienced by homeless youth. Surveys conducted with 208
youths on the streets and in agencies in New York City and Toronto revealed significant associations between perceived stigma
due to homeless status and sexual orientation, pan handling and sex trade involvement, and amount of time homeless. Higher
perceived stigma was also related to low self esteem, loneliness, feeling trapped, and suicidal ideation, with guilt/self-blame
due to homeless status having the strongest impact on mental health variables.
Sean Kidd is an assistant professor with the McMaster Department of Psychiary and Behavioural Neurociences. He received his
Ph.D. in clinical psychology from the University of Windsor, Ontario, in 2003. His primary research areas are suicide and
resiliency among homeless youth and the application of qualitative methodologies in psychological research. 相似文献
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Adam Payler Anthony Piscitelli Sean Geobey 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2023,66(1):114-129
Through interviews with 25 school board trustees in Ontario, this article contributes to the growing literature that explores the politics-administration dichotomy at the local government level in Canada. While existing literature is oriented from the perspective of the local government administrator, we examine the relations between local government politicians and administrators from the orientation of the former to determine how they navigate the dichotomy, particularly in a context where it is arguably more contested. We identify six informal practices trustees adopt in representing constituents and confronting tensions inherent in their role, namely: navigating, influencing, listening, translating, informing, and uploading. 相似文献
114.
Sean L. Yom 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2011,46(2):217-241
While the canonical literature on oil wealth suggests that hydrocarbon windfalls encourage repressive despotism, Kuwait provides
a case of an oil-rich autocracy governing instead through popular rentierism—that is, through a broad coalition of social
forces, one that furnishes enduring loyalty from below while constraining abuses of state power from above. This paper provides
a theoretically guided explanation for this exceptional outcome. I argue that the Kuwaiti regime’s coalitional bargains originated
in the pre-oil era, when domestic opposition and geopolitical constrictions compelled it to forge new social alliances at
the dawn of modern statehood. This inclusionary strategy mediated the subsequent effect of oil rents, which the regime used
to institutionalize its mass base with costly material and symbolic side payments. Such popular incorporation bound large
constituent classes to the regime’s survival, precluding the need for widespread repression. After 50 years, these coalitional
bargains have also proven remarkably resilient, as social actors have continued to endorse the autocratic leadership despite
economic crisis and wartime defeat. 相似文献
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116.
Forensic Applicability of Femur Subtrochanteric Shape to Ancestry Assessment in Thai and White American Males
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Ancestry assessment from the postcranial skeleton presents a significant challenge to forensic anthropologists. However, metric dimensions of the femur subtrochanteric region are believed to distinguish between individuals of Asian and non‐Asian descent. This study tests the discriminatory power of subtrochanteric shape using modern samples of 128 Thai and 77 White American males. Results indicate that the samples' platymeric index distributions are significantly different (p ≤ 0.001), with the Thai platymeric index range generally lower and the White American range generally higher. While the application of ancestry assessment methods developed from Native American subtrochanteric data results in low correct classification rates for the Thai sample (50.8–57.8%), adapting these methods to the current samples leads to better classification. The Thai data may be more useful in forensic analysis than previously published subtrochanteric data derived from Native American samples. Adapting methods to include appropriate geographic and contemporaneous populations increases the accuracy of femur subtrochanteric ancestry methods. 相似文献
117.
Sean F. McMahon 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2005,32(2):193-215
This article argues that Israel's 2003 elections are best understood as a deeper embedding of neoliberalism in the Israeli polity. It is argued that the most accurate characterization of the elections is as an articulation of Polanyi's Phase I of the double-movement. The argument is developed in four stages. First, the Israeli elections are understood as a local reaction to the multilayered processes of globalization. The Israeli state and its elections are located in the neoliberal ideology which underwrites the phenomenon broadly defined as globalization. Second, the election results are reviewed. Third, the dominant interpretations of the elections are critically examined. Specifically, representations of the elections as a defeat of the parties of peace and as a rebuke of Sephardim/ultra-Orthodox influence in Israeli government are interrogated. Fourth, the coalition negotiations of February 2003, the constitution of Israel's 30th government and some of the initiatives undertaken by Finance Minister Benjamin Netanyahu are explicated through deployment of Polanyi's double-movement framework. 相似文献
118.
Sean W. Burges 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2005,18(3):437-454
This article argues that regionalism in South America will meet with limited success because continental and subregional integration projects lack the necessary economic underpinnings. The result is an incomplete form of regional integration that, while offering some rewards to the participating countries, predominantly serves the energy security needs of the region's major players. Brazil, in particular, benefits from this process and also is the prime reason that regionalism in South America will not deepen. Without a major state to absorb the costs of region-building the process will stall. As the evidence in this article implies, Brazil is not willing to absorb these costs, placing severe limits on the region and regional acceptance of Brazilian leadership. 相似文献
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