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141.
This column provides a country by country analysis of the latest legal developments, cases and issues relevant to the IT, media and telecommunications' industries in key jurisdictions across the Asia Pacific region. The articles appearing in this column are intended to serve as ‘alerts’ and are not submitted as detailed analyses of cases or legal developments. 相似文献
142.
Maria Doyle Louise Frogner Henrik Andershed Anna-Karin Andershed 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2016,22(1):19-40
Uniformed presence is commonly thought to create feelings of safety in people. However, do differently uniformed people contribute to an equal amount of safety and are there situation-dependent differences? The present study examined the association between various types of uniformed presence and people’s feelings of safety through a questionnaire among 352 respondents (18–86 years) (49.1 % women). The questionnaire contained pictures of situations perceived as relatively safe and unsafe with or without uniformed presence. The respondents estimated how safe they thought they would feel in these situations with no uniformed presence, two police officers, six police officers, a police vehicle, two security guards, or two police volunteers. Results showed that uniformed presence did not increase feelings of safety in a situation perceived as relatively safe, making patrol unnecessary. In situations perceived as relatively unsafe however, all types of uniformed presence increased feelings of safety. Foot patrolling police contributed to the greatest increase in feelings of safety. Security guards and police volunteers created similar amounts of feelings of safety making police volunteers a cost-effective alternative. All types of foot patrol were better than vehicle patrol, making non-police groups an alternative to vehicle patrol. Some situational, gender, and age differences were found. 相似文献
143.
This paper explores issues in the designation of centers to provide organ transplantation procedures and aftercare, a decision faced increasingly by policymakers, planners, and payers. As background for consideration of the regionalization of organ transplantation services, an array of models of regionalization of health services, ranging from full-scale vertical integration to market-enhancing information provision, is described. In the United States, regionalization has mainly followed the designation model within the certificate-of-need system; vertical integration has been adopted only in limited ways. Next, the authors' review of current approaches to the regionalization of organ transplantation centers by public and private payers indicates that designation of centers is increasing, although the empirical evidence concerning the classes of hospitals upon which designation decisions rest is weak. The authors then review the literature on the relationship between volumes and outcomes on surgical services with particular reference to organ transplantation, which on the whole suggests that a relationship between volumes and outcomes exists. Original empirical analysis of data on kidney transplants that were secured from the Health Care Financing Administration is then presented. The study of the effects of hospital and surgeon volumes on graft and patient survival and of the effect of volume on charges found no systematic influence of hospital or surgeon volumes on graft or patient survival. Some evidence that charges are lower for larger centers was found. The authors conclude that the evidence implies that using volume as the provider characteristic upon which to base designation of transplantation centers is problematic, at least for kidney transplants. Steps policymakers might take to ensure quality of transplantation services is discussed in the final section. 相似文献
144.
Sean Kay 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2005,18(1):69-83
This article provides a perspective on strategic trends in the NATO alliance and the broader transatlantic relationship. It evaluates the extent of NATO's successes and failures over the last 15 years in the areas of the Balkans, NATO enlargement, and the international campaign against terrorism. The central conclusion is that, while NATO's members have significant technical reforms available that could help to reinvigorate the institution, none is likely to come to fruition without a major change in strategic concepts on both sides of the Atlantic. 相似文献
145.
Brian Doyle 《The Modern law review》1997,60(1):64-78
146.
Sean McGlynn 《政治学》1996,16(3):167-174
This paper draws attention to the notable parallels between the problems faced by John Major and his government over Europe and a comparative situation from the 13th century. It shows that nationalism has been a leading force in politics for far longer than chronocentric analysis has allowed and that rulers — whether kings or prime ministers — ignore it at their own cost. 相似文献
147.
148.
Deaths related to carbon monoxide (CO) poisoning are common. Most represent accidents and suicides, and most result from CO production via the incomplete combustion of carbon-containing substances. Suicide via CO toxicity is not uncommon and typically involves the use of motor-vehicle exhaust as a source of CO. Presented herein is a case of suicidal CO poisoning in which the CO was produced via a chemical reaction between formic acid and sulfuric acid within a homemade device. 相似文献
149.
150.
Sean Vincent 《East Asia》2017,34(3):197-215
In the process of democratisation, it is expected that a former dominant party, at least one which abides by the rules of electoral contestation, will transition into a “catch-all” party. A catch-all party aims to attract the votes of all social cleavages and classes of voters outside what would be considered their traditional voter base. As part of the wider debate about democratisation in East Asia, this paper examines how two of East Asia’s liberal democracies—Japan and South Korea, the LDP and GNP/Saenuri, respectively, have adapted to electoral defeat and in what ways they have transitioned into catch-all parties in the Kircheimer mould. This paper finds that while intra-party reforms which could fit a catch-all model have yet to be institutionalised, data from the Comparative Manifesto Database shows that there has been a significant change in which policies both parties promote and that these are designed to appeal to a broad base of voters. 相似文献