首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   3012篇
  免费   119篇
各国政治   200篇
工人农民   105篇
世界政治   247篇
外交国际关系   202篇
法律   1310篇
中国政治   41篇
政治理论   975篇
综合类   51篇
  2023年   21篇
  2022年   13篇
  2021年   32篇
  2020年   40篇
  2019年   78篇
  2018年   95篇
  2017年   110篇
  2016年   110篇
  2015年   84篇
  2014年   116篇
  2013年   428篇
  2012年   119篇
  2011年   85篇
  2010年   82篇
  2009年   97篇
  2008年   93篇
  2007年   122篇
  2006年   104篇
  2005年   88篇
  2004年   99篇
  2003年   88篇
  2002年   88篇
  2001年   55篇
  2000年   52篇
  1999年   48篇
  1998年   42篇
  1997年   41篇
  1996年   38篇
  1995年   40篇
  1994年   43篇
  1993年   45篇
  1992年   38篇
  1991年   32篇
  1990年   20篇
  1989年   39篇
  1988年   22篇
  1987年   29篇
  1986年   26篇
  1985年   34篇
  1984年   37篇
  1983年   32篇
  1982年   33篇
  1981年   30篇
  1980年   24篇
  1979年   14篇
  1978年   15篇
  1977年   13篇
  1975年   16篇
  1974年   12篇
  1973年   18篇
排序方式: 共有3131条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
981.
Since the enactment of welfare reform legislation in 1996, thefederal government and the states have emphasized putting theneedy to work and reducing caseloads. Simultaneously, however,national policymakers delinked eligibility for cash assistancefrom eligibility for other safety-net benefits. Contrary tostated policy, though, this delinkage has led to declining participationin the case of Food Stamps and health-insurance programs forlow-income children. We highlight four factors that states mustshape if they are to narrow this gap between policy promiseand program performance by fostering higher participation. Weshow how our focus intersects with enduring questions of Americanfederalism—the level of state commitment to redistributiveprograms, their capacity to implement these programs effectively,and the degree to which states can augment governing capacityby becoming more genuine laboratories of democracy.  相似文献   
982.
983.
In this study, we assess the potential for policy change of the German government of Helmut Kohl after unification combining party positions with formal bicameral settings in a spatial model of legislative action. We distinguish between two policy areas and two types of legislation, mandatory and non–mandatory legislation imposing either a symmetric or asymmetric power distribution between both German chambers. In order to identify German legislators' party positions in different policy areas, we use data from ECPR Party Manifesto research covering the period from German unification in 1990 to the end of the government of Helmut Kohl in 1998. We find that the federal government of Helmut Kohl had a policy leadership position until April 1991 with no procedural differences, but the gridlock danger for governmental proposals was higher on the societal than the economic dimension. Afterwards, the government's potential for policy change was considerably determined by the type of legislation, independently from the policy dimension. At the end of the Kohl era, the governmental policy leadership position was limited to policies that left even the opposition majority of German states better off. The procedural settings mattered greatly on the economic dimension, and the danger of gridlock on societal policy was smaller only for non–mandatory legislation.  相似文献   
984.
Partnerships can achieve results, but they do not develop smoothly. Members must explore their differences before they can perform well together. Some agencies look inwards at their own priorities and expect their partners to follow them. This leads to a blend of co-operation and competition. Other organisations turn outwards and look for partners who can contribute to shared results. They see themselves as others see them. They do not look back to make sure that others are following. This leads to a blend of mutual respect and reciprocity which is as important for success as finely honed memoranda of understanding.  相似文献   
985.
986.
987.
An immunoblotting method for phenotyping haptoglobin in serum and bloodstains has been developed. Haptoglobin isoproteins were separated by polyacrylamide gradient gel electrophoresis and then transferred to nitrocellulose by electroblotting. The use of 1 mm gels facilitated more rapid and effective transfer than conventional 3 mm thick gels. Nitrocellulose blots were developed by double antibody enzyme immunoassay. The detection limit for serum and bloodstains was improved 16 times compared to conventional staining using O-tolidine. The method could detect haptoglobin phenotypes from 0.001 microliter of whole blood. This detection limit is approximately 8 times lower than that of group specific-component analysis by immunoblotting.  相似文献   
988.
Thomas H. Hammond 《Public Choice》2007,133(3-4):359-375
The scoring method used by high schools and colleges in the U.S. to determine which team wins a cross-country meet can violate a major social choice principle, referred to here as Independence from Irrelevant Teams: whether team A is scored as defeating or losing to team B can depend on whether team C’s performance is included in the calculations. In addition, if a three-way meet is scored as three dual meets, the scoring method can produce a cycle, thereby violating the principle of Transitivity: team A beats team B, team B beats team C, but team C beats team A. Real-world violations of Independence and Transitivity are reported from a high school cross-country meet held in Michigan in the U.S. in 2003. Several results are presented about the conditions under which these two principles can be violated. An alternative scoring method that will violate neither Independence nor Transitivity is also discussed and evaluated.  相似文献   
989.
Constituency campaigns are an important subject matter for students of political parties, voting behavior and political communication. In all three fields, constituency campaigns are perceived as elements of centralized high-tech campaigns strategically targeting particular segments in electoral markets. In this paper, we propose an alternative understanding of local campaigns and use the case of the German Parliamentary Elections in 2005 to provide empirical evidence for this view. We analyze constituency campaigns from an actor-centred perspective, which assumes local campaigns to signal independence of individual candidates from their parties. We label this phenomenon individualized campaigning. We argue that individualized campaigning is, on the one hand, driven by changing electoral markets. On the other hand, we argue, however, that electoral incentives and particular types of electoral competitiveness foster individualized constituency campaigning. We test this latter hypothesis with regard to the German mixed-member electoral system and on the basis of a survey of all candidates standing for election in 2005.  相似文献   
990.
Building capacities and capabilities for international development is an ongoing subject for debate, further fuelled by recent interest in learning and knowledge. This article focuses on how, and the extent to which, individual learners in education and training programmes for development policy and management interact with their organisations to build capacities and capabilities. It demonstrates some of the ways that individual learning and organisational capacity are linked by examining case studies from Uganda, Zimbabwe and South Africa. The article reflects on the complex nature of this interaction and on the broader challenges of linking learning to development. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号