中美双边投资协定对中国经济的影响——基于美国双边投资协定范本(2004)的分析

中美双边投资协定将是2010年在北京进行的、两国第二轮战略与经济对话的主要关注点之一。通过分析比较中美双边投资协定可能给中国带来的收益与冲击,本文认为,如果在美国双边投资协定范本(2004)基础上达成该协定,不仅难以达到促进中美间直接投资和证券投资增长的目的,而且会使中国在外资准入限制与资金跨境流动管理方面面临巨大的风险。     

改革开放以来党的执政理念与时俱进的历史考察

全心全意为人民谋福利,是中国共产党全部执政理念的基础.领导人民发展生产力,创造财富,促进社会全面进步;保证最广大人民群众能够获得看得见的利益,满足人民群众不断增长的物质文化需要,共享社会劳动成果,是实现党的执政理念的两个基本要求.自20世纪70年代末以来,随着我国社会生产力和人民群众物质文化需要的不断增长,党的执政理念也在实践中不断升华,与时俱进.这里,谨对改革开放以来邓小平、江泽民、胡锦涛三位领导人的执政理念及继承与发展的内在联系做一个简要的梳理和思考.     

社会主义核心价值体系建设的重大时代课题——提炼社会主义核心价值观调研报告

在当代中国,基于社会主义核心价值体系提炼简洁通俗、易记易懂的社会主义核心价值观,是深入推进社会主义核心价值体系建设,增强社会主义意识形态吸引力和凝聚力的必然要求.提炼社会主义核心价值观,要把握以下基本原则和要求:第一,把握核心价值观的社会主义制度属性.第二,以社会主义核心价值体系为逻辑基点.第三,遵循逻辑与历史、理论与现实相统一的原则.第四,充分汲取古今中外优秀文化成果的价值资源.第五,提炼表达要兼顾思想性与大众化.     

关于中交一航局职工文化建设情况的调研报告

中交一航局的职工文化建设,多年来已形成诸多行之有效的成功经验,但也存在一些需要改进的问题。今后应通过加强职工文化自信意识引导、探索项目部职工文化阵地标准、打造职工文化建设品牌、实现“两转两延一提升”,来全面提升该项工作的质量。     

Citizenship,minorities and the struggle for a right to the city in Istanbul

Globalization is generating new forms of citizenship that often go beyond the institutional perception of social identity. These new forms of citizenship are developed in a scalable way to a greater extent than rights and obligations, and are entirely managed by the citizens themselves. To demonstrate empirical support for this issue, the case of minority communities in Turkey constitutes one of the most relevant examples, since citizenship in this country has long been associated with an idea of political loyalty and total allegiance to the nation-state. The main purpose of this article is to show how urban space and urban protest allow minorities to find alternative forms of expression for their collective identity, and to create a new understanding of citizenship beyond the classical definition, being based instead on institutional representation. The aim of this research is to examine the process of urban transformation in Istanbul, how this phenomenon shapes the structure of cities and how it gives rise to social resistance and protest, especially in neighborhoods housing minority communities. In this context, the article focuses on planning movements in Turkey through a comparative study of two urban planning projects and the citizens' protests against them.     

Quotas: changing the way things look without changing the way things are

This paper argues that while quotas can quite easily be used rapidly to address the problem of insufficient numbers of women in representative political institutions, effective representation requires us to pay attention to far more than merely the numbers of women present. This article suggests that, in particular, we need to look at which kinds of women are made present by quotas, how these women gain office and what they do once they are there. Using the South African example as a case in point, the paper suggests that where women become representatives through mechanisms controlled by party political hierarchies rather than by way of more broad-based political processes reflecting real social change, quotas can act to legitimate and perpetuate women's actual absence of power rather than being an effective remedy.     

Devolution and Local Government: Evidence from Scotland

Devolution in Scotland has had a major impact upon local government. Local government, at both political and managerial levels, perceives central government in the shape of the Scottish Executive to be closer (geographically and politically) and more open to local government in terms of access to ministers and civil servants. However, Scottish central–local relations continues to be characterised by a sense of mistrust of local government, especially among civil servants and a continuing desire for central control of key policy agendas. Equally, the policy process continues to display features of fragmentation across major policy areas. Moreover, Westminster has not yet departed the scene of Scottish politics in both financial and policy terms but also in the enduring presence of a Westminster ‘political culture’     

Otto Kirchheimer and the catch-all party

Otto Kirchheimer's conception of the catch-all party was part of his more comprehensive theory of party transformation, encompassing four interrelated political processes. By tracing the development of the catch-all thesis and placing it within the wider context of Kirchheimer's complete work, it is possible to reconstruct a more precise understanding of what Kirchheimer meant by the catch-all concept, which itself remains highly contested. Kirchheimer's anxiety about modern democracy originated with what he saw as the vanishing of principled opposition within parliament and society, and the reduction of politics to the mere management of the state. This leads to collusion of political parties and the state, severing of the societal links of party organisations, and erosion of the classic separation of powers. Vanishing opposition, cartelisation and professionalisation of politics pits citizens against a powerful state, which increases political cynicism and apathy. Kirchheimer's comprehensive approach remains relevant to much of the contemporary debate about the transformation of Western political systems.