Networked poverty in rural Russia

This article attempts to apply major ideas developed in Anglo-American ‘network analysis’ to enlarge geographical constructions of the rural ‘problematic’ in Russia. It interrogates complex understandings of ‘poor people’ via a study of social networks in two villages in Central European Russia, focusing on connections between different actors embedded in social contexts in the countryside, different forms of associations between rural people, and the ways in which specific forms of their interrelations affect poverty. In so doing, the article attempts to reconnect different positions of rural people in Russia and different transitory aspects of ‘poor’ identities (i.e. of people in poverty), as well as to broaden understanding of differentiated experiences of rural poverty.     

Ethnic Migration and Crime

Are the concepts and practical recommendations offered in the works of Western authors for tackling the problem of migration-related crime applicable to Russian realities?     

Peasant farming in Russia

Russia started its decollectivisation effort in earnest after the abortive 1991 coup attempt. A legislative foundation has been laid and over one‐quarter million peasant farms have been created, many through the act of exiting a collective by a farm worker, taking his or her land and asset shares along. Yet significant obstacles remain in the path of both continued peasant farm creation and the viability of those already functioning.     

国际关系进入新对立时代及俄罗斯的对策

在此想提一提我眼中的新时代。我在今年7月的一篇文章中提到了新时代来临的原因和特征,准确的说,新时代是指俄罗斯与西方关系乃至整个国际关系中的"新对立时代"。除了信息革命和经济全球化进程,信息革命所带来的数十亿民众政治觉醒和参政积极性的提高,国际安全领域可操控性的下降,伊斯兰教和基督教世界的旧有裂痕,富国和穷国之间弥久的南北矛盾外,     

National cyber crisis management: Different European approaches

Cyber crises, as new forms of transboundary crises, pose serious risks to societies. This article investigates how different models of public–private partnerships shape cyber crisis management in four European countries: the Netherlands, Denmark, Estonia, and the Czech Republic. Using Provan and Kenis's modes of network governance, an initial taxonomy of cyber governance structures is provided. The Netherlands have created a participant‐governed network, characterized by trust and equality. The Czech and Estonian models resemble a network administrative organization, with an enforcement role for their national cyber security centers. Denmark has adopted a lead‐agency model. The article concludes that countries face two binary choices when organizing cyber defense and crisis management. First, national computer emergency response teams/computer security incident response teams can be embedded inside or outside the intelligence community. Second, cyber capacity can be centralized in one unit or spread across different sectors. These decisions fundamentally shape information‐sharing arrangements and potential roles during cyber crises.     

Profit rather than politics: the production of Lenin monuments in Soviet Latvia

The archived documents on outdoor sculpture commissions in Soviet Latvia reveal that the thesis of art having been colonized by the Communist party is too simplistic. Sculptors and architects had vested business interests in monument production. Until the mid-1950s, the cream of academically-educated Latvian sculptors was sidelined by Russians who mass-produced concrete replicas of statues portraying Lenin or Stalin. The majority of the works came through the mass production of works of visual propaganda in the Māksla art factory. Also, less-talented local sculptors were able to find a role satisfying the demand for cheap, decorative sculpture. Looking for ways to access this market, the local art elite invented aesthetic and semiotic arguments in support of the original, locally-made, Lenin sculptures that would be cast in permanent materials and could serve as the spatial organizers of new communist rituals in the urban environment for which they won municipal commissions resulting in the reconstruction of central squares in Latvian towns. What this means is that artists driven by their mercantile interests and not by ideology played an active part in elaborating the aesthetics of communist ideology, and therefore provided support for the dominant discourse of power relations.