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51.
Janet M. Box-Steffensmeier Benjamin W. Campbell Andrew W. Podob Seth J. Walker 《American journal of political science》2020,64(4):1017-1033
Central to the study of Congress is the study of relationships among members. Electoral collaboration is a function of a member's position in the broader congressional power network. It allows members to leverage their campaign resources to achieve the four classic goals of members of Congress: reelection, making good public policy, obtaining power within the institution, and having one's party in the majority. Using nearly 3.2 million FEC records from 2010 to 2016, we explore the dynamics that influence electoral collaboration. We find members are most likely to collaborate electorally with other members from the same state, party, and committee, and the most electorally vulnerable. Further, party leaders share most frequently with the rank and file. These findings build upon our expanding understanding of congressional collaboration, the networks members of Congress form, and the congressional power structure members operate within. 相似文献
52.
Seth L. Feinberg 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2002,26(2):249-268
This paper explores the influence that local newspaper coverage exerts on the relative size of municipal police agencies.
It is hypothesized that the volume of law enforcement news stories affects sworn personnel allocations. Regression results
based on 63 large U.S. cities show that media coverage does affect police employment levels. A content analysis of selected
newspapers suggests that crime-related stories are prominently featured and tend to portray the police as effective in responding
to criminal incidents. Implications for future research concerning media influence and criminal justice policy-making are
offered.
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of the American Society of Criminology, Washington, D.C.,
November 1998. I would like to thank Ruth Peterson, David Jacobs, Randy Hodson, Christopher Browning, Maria Velez, the editor
of AJCJ, and three anonymous reviewers for most helpful comments on previous drafts of this paper. 相似文献
53.
Seth Kaplan Author Vitae 《Orbis》2007,51(2):299-311
In October 2006, the Democratic Republic of Congo, which experienced possibly the world's deadliest humanitarian catastrophe, held the second of two rounds of the first free presidential elections in 46 years. The culmination of a transitional process funded, designed, and overseen by the West, the elections were supposed to bring stability, accountability, and democracy to a land long devastated by war, poor administration, and authoritarianism. Sadly, this brighter future is unlikely to be reached any time soon, for the transitional process is fatally flawed. A bold approach is needed to reform the DRC's governmental apparatus, the collapse of which not only affects its citizens, but also destabilizes states throughout the continent and provides a haven for terrorists, arms traffickers, and criminal networks. 相似文献
54.
Eric McGhee Seth Masket Boris Shor Steven Rogers Nolan McCarty 《American journal of political science》2014,58(2):337-351
Many theoretical and empirical accounts of representation argue that primary elections are a polarizing influence. Likewise, many reformers advocate opening party nominations to nonmembers as a way of increasing the number of moderate elected officials. Data and measurement constraints, however, have limited the range of empirical tests of this argument. We marry a unique new data set of state legislator ideal points to a detailed accounting of primary systems in the United States to gauge the effect of primary systems on polarization. We find that the openness of a primary election has little, if any, effect on the extremism of the politicians it produces. 相似文献
55.
We hypothesize that in the real world, as opposed to the lab, the norm is for people to experience friendly media that favor their political predispositions when political favoritism is perceived at all. For this reason, media are generally limited in their ability to create cross-cutting exposure. We test this hypothesis using representative survey data drawn from 11 different countries with varying media systems. We further hypothesize that television will contribute more to cross-cutting exposure than newspapers. Finally, and most importantly, we test the hypothesis that the more the structure of a country's media system parallels that of its political parties, the more that country's population will be dominated by exposure to like-minded views via mass media. We find confirmation for all 3 of these hypotheses and discuss their implications for the role of mass media in providing exposure to cross-cutting political perspectives. 相似文献
56.
This study evaluated the extent to which divorce creates the “divided world of the child,” as well as consequences of this “divided world” for long‐term adjustment. An ethnically diverse sample of 1,375 young‐adult university students completed retrospective measures of parental nurturance and involvement, and current measures of psychosocial adjustment and troubled ruminations about parents. Results indicated that reports of maternal and paternal nurturance and involvement were closely related in intact families but uncorrelated in divorced families. Across family forms, the total amount of nurturance or involvement received was positively associated with self‐esteem, purpose in life, life satisfaction, friendship quality and satisfaction, and academic performance; and negatively related to distress, romantic relationship problems, and troubled ruminations about parents. Mother‐father differences in nurturance and involvement showed a largely opposite set of relationships. Implications for family court practices are discussed. 相似文献
57.
Seth Lazar 《Law and Philosophy》2018,37(3):327-349
The authors in this symposium on Sparing Civilians gave me much to think about; their criticisms have helped me to strengthen the argument for moral distinction, and enhance the moral protection of civilians in war. In this response I address their objections thematically, focusing in turn on each chapter of the book. 相似文献
58.
Seth K. Kornfeld 《Family Court Review》2018,56(1):165-179
Many parents in the United States face the quandary of whether to take time off from work to care for themselves, their children, or other family member, understanding that their jobs may not be there upon return and they will receive no income during their leave. The Family and Medical Leave Act has not lifted this burden; it only provides for unpaid leave. Four states and several cities have implemented paid family and medical leave statutes with both employees and employers benefiting. This Note proposes a uniform paid family and medical leave statute based on other countries’ statutes; proposed federal legislation; and statutes in New York, California, and San Francisco. 相似文献
59.
Despite mandatory reporting laws, several studies have found that 30%–40% of professional psychologists have elected not to report suspected child abuse at some time. In this study, we surveyed 226 licensed psychologists from two states concerning factors related to reporting suspected abuse. Thirty-two percent of participants indicated having not reported suspected abuse. Comparisons between participants who have consistently and inconsistently reported indicated that psychologists who have consistently reported rated legal factors as more important than those who have inconsistently reported. Additionally, clinicians who have inconsistently reported were more likely to indicate evidence of abuse as being important in reporting, and less likely to report subjective suspicions of abuse. Results show that a number of factors influence reporting decisions. Implications for public policy and professional training are discussed. 相似文献
60.
Warren Janet I. Rosenfeld Barry Fitch W. Lawrence Hawk Gary 《Law and human behavior》1997,21(4):377-390
Forensic mental health evaluation systems have undergone major changes during the past two decades, and the variability of service delivery systems across states is significant. We compared assessments of competence to stand trial and criminal responsibility in three states with different systems for forensic mental health evaluations: Michigan, Ohio, and Virginia. Although all three states use comparable legal criteria to judge competence and criminal responsibility, we found large, statistically significant differences among the states in the proportion of defendants referred for evaluation who were assessed as incompetent or not criminally responsible. In addition, significant differences were found in the diagnostic and offense categories of defendants referred for evaluation. Our findings suggest that the structure of a system for providing forensic evaluation services may significantly affect both the group of individuals referred for evaluation as well as evaluation outcome. 相似文献