全文获取类型
收费全文 | 146篇 |
免费 | 9篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 19篇 |
工人农民 | 15篇 |
世界政治 | 13篇 |
外交国际关系 | 13篇 |
法律 | 61篇 |
中国政治 | 2篇 |
政治理论 | 31篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 5篇 |
2019年 | 5篇 |
2018年 | 16篇 |
2017年 | 12篇 |
2016年 | 13篇 |
2015年 | 5篇 |
2014年 | 6篇 |
2013年 | 28篇 |
2012年 | 4篇 |
2011年 | 3篇 |
2010年 | 2篇 |
2009年 | 3篇 |
2008年 | 3篇 |
2007年 | 5篇 |
2006年 | 5篇 |
2005年 | 2篇 |
2004年 | 4篇 |
2003年 | 1篇 |
2002年 | 6篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1969年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有155条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
131.
Alexandra N. Davis Gustavo Carlo Cara Streit Seth J. Schwartz Jennifer B. Unger Lourdes Baezconde-Garbanati Jose Szapocznik 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2018,47(2):460-472
Prosocial behaviors (i.e., actions that benefit others) are important markers of healthy social functioning, and understanding the factors that predict such outcomes among recent immigrant Latino adolescents is important. The current study examines the longitudinal associations between maternal involvement and prosocial behaviors via collectivism values. Data comes from a longitudinal project (Construyendo Oportunidades Para los Adolescentes Latinos) of 302 recently immigrated U.S. Latina/o adolescents (53.3% male, average age?=?14.51 years old). The current study uses data from three times points across 2 years. The results demonstrated that maternal involvement was positively associated with collectivism values. Collectivism was positively associated with changes in prosocial behaviors. There was also partial support for a reverse-causal model. Discussion focuses on the links among parenting, cultural values, and prosocial behaviors among immigrant U.S. Latina/o adolescents. 相似文献
132.
Christopher M. Wyatt 《亚洲事务》2016,47(3):366-385
In the imaginations of many, war in British India had its focus on the North-West Frontier and was fought against the tribes of that region. However, British thinking about Indian defence involving Afghanistan underwent tremendous change over the period under consideration. British plans to meet a Russian invasion on the Kabul-Kandahar Line in 1904 resembled those of any other Nineteenth Century Imperial campaign, with numbers of infantry and cavalry still being thought of and referred to as bayonets and sabres. Twenty years later, heavily influenced by the experiences of the Great War in the region and the Third Afghan War and associated operations, the calculus was different with logistics changed by motor vehicles and the introduction of what today are referred to as force multipliers, such as aeroplanes and machine guns. It was over this period that warfare as fought and conceptualised by men like Napoleon gave way to modern practices familiar to us today. 相似文献
133.
134.
135.
Tanya Wyatt 《Contemporary Justice Review》2013,16(2):103-123
Wildlife trafficking, along with other green crimes, receives little attention from the criminological community. This study provides further knowledge of this black market, and exposes the structural harms that are associated with it, by examining the illegal trade in falcons in Russian Far East. The structural harms proposed here are that wildlife trafficking, and the illegal raptor trade in particular endangers the environment, is cruel to animals, and threatens national and human security because of its connection to other dangerous illicit activities. Through semi‐structured interviews, trade statistics, and online news sources, a framework is developed as to who is involved, how it is occurring, and where it is taking place as well as possible ways in which to curb this activity. 相似文献
136.
Seth Cantey 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(10):757-775
ABSTRACTThis article argues that prospects for negotiations with Al Qaeda and the Islamic State have been undertheorized. Drawing on nearly two thousand pages of primary source material— all issues of Inspire and Dabiq magazines published at the time of writing—it examines these groups' statements about their motivations for violence, their objectives, and their views about the possibility of dialogue with the West. It finds stark differences in all three areas and suggests that assumptions that have prevented theorizing about negotiations with these groups should be revisited. 相似文献
137.
Susanna Dilliplane Seth K. Goldman Diana C. Mutz 《American journal of political science》2013,57(1):236-248
For many research purposes, scholars need reliable and valid survey measures of the extent to which people have been exposed to various kinds of political content in mass media. Nonetheless, good measures of media exposure, and of exposure to political television in particular, have proven elusive. Increasingly fragmented audiences for political television have only made this problem more severe. To address these concerns, we propose a new way of measuring exposure to political television and evaluate its reliability and predictive validity using three waves of nationally representative panel data collected during the 2008 presidential campaign. We find that people can reliably report the specific television programs they watch regularly, and that these measures predict change over time in knowledge of candidate issue positions, a much higher standard of predictive validity than any other measure has met to date. 相似文献
138.
Alan S. Gerber Gregory A. Huber David Doherty Conor M. Dowling Seth J. Hill 《American journal of political science》2013,57(3):537-551
Although the secret ballot has been secured as a legal matter in the United States, formal secrecy protections are not equivalent to convincing citizens that they may vote privately and without fear of reprisal. We present survey evidence that those who have not previously voted are particularly likely to voice doubts about the secrecy of the voting process. We then report results from a field experiment where we mailed information about protections of ballot secrecy to registered voters prior to the 2010 general election. Consistent with our survey data, we find that these letters increased turnout for registered citizens without records of previous turnout, but they did not appear to influence the behavior of citizens who had previously voted. The increase in turnout of more than three percentage points (20%) for those without previous records of voting is notably larger than the effect of a standard get‐out‐the‐vote mailing for this group. Overall, these results suggest that although the secret ballot is a long‐standing institution in the United States, beliefs about this institution may not match the legal reality. 相似文献
139.
Glenn E. Curtis Seth L. Elan Rexford A. Hudson Nina A. Kollars 《Trends in Organized Crime》2002,7(3):19-57
This study investigates the major pockets of activity of Chinese criminal groups from 2000–2003, throughout the world except for Mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan. The main geographical regions of such activity are Australia, Europe, Japan, Latin America, North America, Russia, South Africa, and Southeast Asia. The report notes the participation of such groups in all major types of crime, including trafficking of human beings and various commodities, financial crimes, extortion, gambling, prostitution, and violent crimes. For the purposes of this report, the term “Chinese” refers to individuals of purely Chinese ethnic origin living in any part of the world. The criminal groups described vary in size and degree of structure; they include syndicates, triads, gangs, and ad hoc combinations of organization members and non-members. Because of this variety, an increasing tendency toward ad hoc activity, and the lack of specificity in many open sources, the term “group” is used when a criminal activity is not attributed to a specific type of organization. The report's sources are several recent monographs, journal articles on various aspects of such crime in the geographical regions where it occurs, and Internet reports by journalists and law enforcement agencies. Some sources published prior to the time period covered by the report have been used to provide background and establish long-term trends. 相似文献
140.
Seth Kaplan Author Vitae 《Orbis》2006,50(3):501-517
The struggle to build stable democracies in weak Latin American countries mirrors the Herculean task faced by fragile states in many other parts of the globe. Within Latin America, the fault lines between competing visions of the state, the economy, and national identity are particularly stark in Bolivia, which is divided along ethnic, geographical, and socioeconomic lines. That country's new president, Evo Morales, has the mandate that would permit him and his government to transform Bolivia in a way that would set a powerful example for countries throughout the region. The United States can and should support his efforts as long as they are designed to deepen and broaden the roles of democracy and a free-market economy in Bolivia. 相似文献