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171.
172.
Political reasons for asking, and consequences of, parliamentary questions in the Turkish parliament during the 19th legislative period (1991–95) were investigated. Political reasons for asking questions were inferred from attributes of questions including the party affiliation of questioners, question content, referred authorities, and constituency linkages in questions. Political consequences were gauged by the substance of ministers' answers. Our findings reveal that both opposition parliamentarians and government ministers have strategies or behavioural patterns for using parliamentary questions to enhance their own political appeal. Parliamentarians ask either blaming or soliciting questions. Blaming questions are more likely to be (i) of oral type; (ii) directed to the PM; (iii) unrelated to the constituency. Soliciting questions are more likely to be (i) of written type; (ii) directed to the responsible minister; (iii) related to the constituency. In turn, ministers are more willing to give positive, concrete, or promising answers to questions that either beg for help or a solution or pertain to particular constituencies.  相似文献   
173.

Much has been written of late about language as a critical tool of research in international relations. Among critical international relations scholars, constructivists and poststructuralists have been the main proponents of using of language as a challenge to structural realist assumptions about world politics. Yet, it is not always clear why these critical scholars decide to turn to linguistic methodologies. This article reveals that there are compelling reasons for choosing language as a critical tool of analysis. But, contrary to current beliefs, it is important to note that constructivist and poststructuralist strategies of language are not always equivalent and compatible. This essay sorts out the divergent epistemological and political stakes involved in one's choice of a linguistic strategy. Different uses of language offer different critiques of mainstream international political practice. To illustrate this argument, the April 2001 US-China diplomatic crisis over the collision between a surveillance plane and a fighter jet is showcased. It is shown that constructivist and poststructuralist linguistic analyses provide challenging but not always complementary interpretations of the policies, diplomatic procedures, and verbal exchanges that took place during this confrontation.  相似文献   
174.
This article attempts to construct an overview of Japan's defence problematique in the post‐cold war era. Its approach is to survey the historical legacies that have shaped Japan's defence policies and perceptions, and to assess how these fit, or do not fit, with the new security environment within which Japan now finds itself. The purpose is to argue that a policy of non‐offensive defence (NOD) could solve many of the difficult defence questions that Japan now faces. As a consequence, the discussion will concentrate mainly on military and political issues, mostly leaving aside questions of economic, societal and environmental security on the grounds that these issues interact less strongly with NOD. Section 1 considers the geopolitics of Japan's security that arise from its being an island country. Section 2 analyses some crucial historical considerations, particularly Japan's status as a great power, and the particular circumstances of its historical relationship with its neighbours. Section 3 looks at Japan's position during the cold war, examining how the legacies of its defeat in the Second World War blended into the demands placed upon it as a front‐line ally of the United States against Chinese and Soviet power. Section 4 surveys the actual and possible changes in Japan's security environment consequent upon the ending of the cold war. It focuses on Japan's relationships with the United States, the East Asian region, the international system as a whole, and finally on Japan's relationship with itself. Section 5 considers the requirements for a Japanese defence and security policy in the post‐cold war era.  相似文献   
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Schnytzer  Adi  Šušteršič  Janez 《Public Choice》1998,94(1-2):117-134
The paper investigates empirically the determinants of political stability in one-party states, taking as an example socialist Yugoslavia. We assume that the number of the Party members is an indicator of the stability of the regime and perform a time series analysis for the six Yugoslav republics in the 1953–1988 period. We find that rents distributed to the population were far more important than the popularity of economic policies and perhaps even more important than repression. These findings provide strong empirical support for economic models of dictatorship based on the notion of political exchange.  相似文献   
177.
When people know who is influencing the elected politicians and they may ‘put the rascals out’ in case they feel that the incumbents are corrupt, ceteris paribus, their perception of the level of corruption should not be affected by lobbying. If on the other hand people are not sure which or how many actors are influencing public policy and they are not able to hold the government truly accountable as interest group influence is constant with different governments, people will be more likely to perceive the government as corrupted. The former system is a characteristic of corporatism and the latter of pluralism. This problem is exacerbated by the fact that interest groups with resources such as business groups or firms in pluralist systems are more influential than groups with few resources. Thus, people may perceive pluralist policy‐making system as more corrupt than corporatist policy‐making system where fewer visible actors have more or less equal weight in the policy‐making process. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
178.
Postmortem investigation often reveals various conditions, which may or may not have played a part in the death of the individual. The case of a 32‐year‐old woman is reported, with a long history of drug addiction. She was found dead in her bed. The autopsy revealed diffuse pulmonary edema with congestion of the lungs, brain, liver, and spleen. Microscopic examination of the lungs showed multiple intra‐alveolar and interstitial foamy macrophages and extracellular fat droplets surrounded by polynuclear giant cells. Death was attributed to acute polydrug intoxication. As microscopic examination had revealed severe pulmonary lesions, lipoid pneumonia was considered as a contributing factor to death. Lipoid pneumonia is an uncommon entity with the characteristic radiograph features and histologic findings of alveoli filled with vacuolated, lipid‐laden histiocytes. It can be either exogenous or endogenous in cause, based on the source of the lipid. Exogenous lipoid pneumonia usually results from aspiration or inhalation of fat‐like material, such as mineral oil or petroleum‐based lubricants and decongestants, resulting in pulmonary inflammatory reactions.  相似文献   
179.
This study intends to design magnetite (Fe3O4)‐based magnetic fingerprint powders with different particle size distributions. It also investigates the influence of particle size distribution on the visualization of latent fingermarks with as little background staining as possible on the surfaces with various porosities in a systematic way. Two strategies were used to prepare the magnetic fingerprint formulations for this study: milling of coarse magnetite particles for different durations, and mixing of sieved fine particles with different size ranges with coarse particles. Particle size analyses of the prepared magnetic powders, optical microscopy‐based roughness analysis of the surfaces and SEM measurements of the visualized fingerprints and representative powders were performed. Mag2 of the formulations prepared through milling and Mag5 and Mag6 of the formulations prepared through sieving and mixing were more successful in the development of latent prints than the rest of the solutions.  相似文献   
180.
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