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The federal election of 1984 may prove to be a critical eventin the evolution of Canadian federalism. The election createda political climate favorable to a restructuring of the Canadianpolitical agenda away from the "territorial politics" that hasdominated it for several decades, toward a politics of national,non territorial issues. Such a transformation of the politicalagenda had been sought by the Liberal government of Pierre Trudeau,which saw the new Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms as amechanism for promoting a more national politics. The climateof intergovernmental confrontation that characterized the Trudeauera, however, may very well have undermined the Charter's nationalunity potential. Ironically, that potential is more likely tobe realized under the Mulroney Conservatives than it would havebeen under a continuation of the Trudeau regime.  相似文献   
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The Effect of the Charter of Rights on Canadian Federalism   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Morton  F. L. 《Publius》1995,25(3):173-188
Canadian experience under the 1982 Charter of Rights contradictsthe orthodox understanding of judicial review as a decentralizinginstitution that performs a checking or blocking function. Charterpolitics in Canada suggest that in a federal system, judicialreview can also enhance values and policies favored by the nationalgovernment at the expense of the constituent units. Rather thanweakening the policy capabilities of the federal government,the Canadian Charter has enhanced its influence. The Charterhas undermined the policy autonomy of the provinces by givinga policy veto to the Supreme Court, an institution that is morereceptive to the policy preferences of national elites, especiallyin the area of language policy. This has aggravated French-Englishrelations, because of the high incidence of judicial nullificationsof Quebec's restrictive language policies. Elite attempts tocompensate Quebec by way of new constitutional amendments (e.g.,the Meech Lake Accord) have been thwarted by the emergence ofan influential coalition of postmaterialist social interests,which use Charter litigation to promote their nonterritorialpolicy objectives. These "Charter Canadians"have opposed constitutionalamendments that would "weaken" the Charter or the Court. Thiscoalition has broken Canadian governments' historical monopolyon the constitutional amending process. By stimulating the democratizationof constitutional politics, the Charter has weakened the institutionsof consociational democracy and elite accommodation. This hasdiminished the influence of all the provinces, but especiallyQuebec, thereby contributing to the recent rise in secessionisttendencies within Quebec.  相似文献   
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On Gramsci     
The writings of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci have garnered a great deal of interest across debates in both political theory and International Political Economy (IPE). Yet, despite the diversity of issues raised by such debates, similar arguments have been made that are pertinent to anyone interested in understanding the philosophy and strategic importance of Gramsci. The claim here is that similar demands have been made to return Gramsci to his historical context but without considering whether this means that ideas and the conditions that provoked such issues are therefore relegated to the epoch of origination. The argument consequently works through some of the assumptions of an historicist interpretation, whilst also outlining a particular approach that appreciates the contemporary theoretical and practical relevance of a Gramscian-inspired critique of the prevailing global political economy  相似文献   
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Abstract: In this overview of the status of Canadian federal information policy current initiatives are examined against a background of historical context. The politics of access (the Privacy and Access to Information acts), policy development, and policy implementation provide the main points of focus for discussion. Relationships between the Canadian private sector information industry and the government are considered, particularly in respect to policy implementation. The Canadian information environment is such that the government views the information that it produces as a corporate resource. As such, government information is seen as too valuable to be left unmanaged. The question facing government policy-makers is how to manage the people's information without precluding the people's access to it. There is discussion as well of the undercurrent of frustration among policy-makers outside the Treasury Board who perceive that an inordinate amount of time is spent studying problems rather than making progress towards practical solutions. The question is raised and examined as to whether such intense and protracted interest in government information issues reflects their importance or government impotence. Finally, some matters are offered for future consideration as Canada moves towards the policy implementation and evolution phases in its quest for an effective and well-rounded national information and communications policy. Sommaire: Dans cet aperçu général de I'état de la politiyue canadienne fédérale d'in-formation, les auteurs présentent les initiatives actiielles siir line toile de fond histori-que. Leur analyse a pour objet principal les politiques d'accès à I'information (lois sur la vie privée et I'accès h I'information), ainsi clue P élaboration et I'instauration de ces politiyues. Les auteurs s'intéresseiit aux relations entre I'industrie de I'informatioii du secteur privé canadien et le gouvernement. tout particulièrement au niveau de la mise à exécution des politiyues. Le monde canadieii de I'information est tel yiie le gouvernemeiit considère I'information yu'il produit coinme tine ressoiirce goiiverneineiitale. À ce titre, l'information goiiveriiemeiitale s'avère bien trop précieuse pour lie pas être gérée. La question qui se pose aux responsables des politiyues gouvernenientales est alors la suivante: comment gérer I'information sans empêcher ceux et celles qu'elle concerne d'y avoir accês. Les auteurs se penchent également sur les frustrations qui apparaissent chez les responsables des politiques, à I'extérieur du Conseil du Trésor, du fait qu'à leur avis I'on passe beaucoup trop de temps àétudier les probèmes au lieu de progresser vers des solutions concrètes. Un intérêt aussi intense et prolongé pour les questions soulevées par I'information gouvernementale traduit-il I'importance de ces questions, ou reflète-t-il I'impuissance du gouvernement? Les auteurs examinent cette question. Enfin, ils proposent plusieurs thèmes qui mériteront réflexion à I'avenir, alors que le Canada entre dans les phases de I'application et de I'évolution de ses politiques, dans sa quête plus large d'une politique nationale judicieuse en matière d'information et de communication. Bruce Morton is associate professor and assistant dean of lihraries at Montana State University, Bozeman. mt Steven D. Zink is professor and assistant university lilmrian at the University of Nevada. Reno, nv . The authors are associate editor and editor-in-chief respectively of the journal Government Publications Review (Pergamon Press). Research for this study was funded by a 1989 faculty research grant from the Canadian emhassy, Washington. DC. We would like to express our special gratitude to nuinerous Canadian government officials, only some of whom are cited in this paper. who took time from busy sclietlules to speak openly and at length with us about information policy issues. Our thanks also to Canadians Ken Rubin. Rolwrt Gibson, and Gordon Grahame.  相似文献   
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Abstract: There have been few documented comparisons of serial murder cases committed in the United States with cases occurring internationally. The authors contrasted two unique serial murder series: one in Italy and one in the United States by examining the details of both series, including the M.O., motivation, crime scene interactions, sexual acts performed, and the general backgrounds of both offenders. The comparison revealed a number of similarities. Both offenders specifically targeted elderly women, who were attacked in their residences. The two series involved sexually motivated crimes, although the sexual interactions were different. Both offenders stole objects from their victims after the murders and each kept newspaper accounts of their crimes. In addition, both offenders claimed to have abusive upbringings, including sexual abuse.  相似文献   
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