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121.
122.
Kerstin Hamann Alison Johnston Alexia Katsanidou John Kelly Philip H. Pollock 《West European politics》2013,36(1):206-227
Do electoral pressures provide an explanation for why governments offer pacts to unions and employers rather than acting through legislation when faced with the need to pass potentially unpopular reforms to welfare policies, wages, and labour markets? This article addresses that question by analysing whether governments’ pursuit of pacts affects their vote share and increases the probability that they gain re-election for 16 West European countries between 1980 and 2012. It is found that the presence of social pacts has a significant and positive effect on incumbents’ vote shares at the next election and also results in a higher probability of re-election. These results are conditioned by government type: While all types of governments benefit electorally from pacts, the electoral penalties from the pursuit of unilateral legislation on policy reforms harm single-party majorities the most, minority governments moderately, and coalition majorities the least. 相似文献
123.
Distributive and procedural justice are of central importance to past and current theories of the psychology of moral development and the social psychology of justice. In order to explicate the relationships among theories, participants responded to both a measure of moral reasoning and a measure of 15 various justice criteria. Analyses showed that each schema of moral reasoning was significantly predicted by different concerns about social justice. Furthermore, individuals' judgments about justice were best represented by four factors, offering a broader definition of justice in relation to moral schemas. The findings were consistent with Kohlbergian theory; moral reasoning appears to proceed from concerns about self-interest to distributive fairness to procedural justice. 相似文献
124.
The removal of the President of the United States from office is a rare and significant event. This study investigated the influence of procedural fairness and blame attributions on punishment and support attitudes during the 1998 impeachment of President Clinton. This study assessed the influence of the procedural fairness of Clinton's behavior, procedural fairness of the Kenneth Starr/Congress investigation, satisfaction with Clinton policies, and blame attributions on punishment attitudes (i.e., whether Clinton should be removed from office) and support attitudes (i.e., whether individuals would vote for Clinton if an election were held today). Both the procedural fairness of Starr/Congress and procedural fairness of Clinton' behavior significantly influenced punishment and support attitudes. Procedural fairness of Clinton had indirect effects on punishment attitudes (through perceived blame of Clinton) and direct effects on support attitudes. Procedural fairness of Starr/Congress had direct effects on both punishment and support attitudes. 相似文献
125.
Andrew Caplin James H. Carr Frederick Pollock Zhong Yi Tong Kheng Mei Tan Trivikraman Thampy 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(1):209-242
Abstract Although the homeownership rate rose from 65 percent in 1995 to 69 percent in 2005, this rise appears difficult to sustain. We argue that the development of new shared‐equity mortgages (SEMs) that blur the lines between debt and equity would propel further advances in homeownership. The rationale for these mortgages is that the broad financial markets would value shares in individual housing returns more highly than hard‐pressed prospective homeowners do. We describe a new class of SEMs and provide survey evidence that most households would prefer them to interest‐only and other currently popular mortgages. Financial simulations confirm the value of the securitized SEMs to investors. We present computations suggesting that an increase in the overall U.S. homeownership rate of between 1% and 1.5% would likely result from the development of SEM markets. 相似文献
126.
127.
Sheldon X. Zhang 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2011,56(5):509-528
Much has been written about sex trafficking in the past decade, although empirical studies have remained few. Even less research
has been done on those who make a living by facilitating the movement of women and children in the sex industry. This paper
is based on a three-year study in Tijuana, Mexico, in which 92 sex trade facilitators were interviewed. Findings suggest a
far more complex social process than portrayed by the anti-trafficking literature. Men and women of diverse backgrounds developed
niches in Tijuana’s sex industry, by bringing women into contact with customers. This business appeared to be dominated by
Mexican entrepreneurs, with no evidence of any systematic collaborations with either local criminal organizations or foreign
traffickers. There appeared to be no shortage of women willing to work in the sex industry, suggesting limited prospect for
coerced prostitution. Still, a small number of pimps reported using “persuasion” to recruit women of particular types from
interior Mexico. Commissions or referral fees were the most common form of income received by pimps for their services, and
the rules on how money was to be made and split between sex workers and venue owners appeared well established. While a few
respondents could sustain a livelihood through pimping, the majority held other jobs. 相似文献
128.
David Farabee Sheldon X. Zhang Benjamin Wright 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2014,10(3):309-322
Objectives
The need for re-entry assistance is widely acknowledged, but specifics about what services actually lead to reduced recidivism are hard to find—at least among rigorous studies. This is a critical issue: at a time when there appears to be unprecedented support for expanding rehabilitative programs for offenders, there is a dearth of rigorously vetted program options from which to choose.Methods
Collaborating with a nationally known employment-focused reentry program in Southern California, the authors compared employment, housing, and recidivism outcomes of reentering offenders (n?=?217) who were either randomized into the program or simply provided with a list of community resources. This approach was possible because the number of applicants at the time exceeded program capacity. Outcomes were based on self-report interviews conducted 1-year post-randomization and arrest records reflecting a 2-year follow-up period. The follow-up rate for interviews was 87 %.Results
No significant differences were found for any of the between-group comparisons on any of the major intervention outcomes.Conclusions
Findings from the study suggest a greater need to apply randomized designs to more carefully evaluate current reentry efforts. Methodological challenges of field experiments are also discussed. 相似文献129.
David Farabee Sheldon X. Zhang Benjamin Wright 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2012,8(3):241-253
Objectives
Describe the authors?? experiences in designing and conducting a randomized field experiment of a community-based, reentry program for ex-offenders.Methods
Two surveys: one with reentry clients not involved in our outcome evaluation, and a follow-up survey of participants who underwent randomization in order to participate in the outcome study. Qualitative input from program staff and clients were also recorded, supplemented with observations of the authors.Results
Having a research staff member located at the program site proved to be a key advantage for monitoring frustrations voiced by program staff and prospective clients, thereby allowing for the modification of the selection procedures over time to minimize resistance. Ultimately, the simplest approach proved to be the most acceptable. The importance of certain procedural justice themes were suggested by the survey results and the observed acceptability of our on-the-spot lottery approach to randomization.Conclusions
The survey results (and our onsite experiences) provided unequivocal evidence that randomization was unpopular, but that resistance can be partially mitigated by adhering to basic principles of procedural justice. 相似文献130.