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91.
‘Gender mainstreaming’ has been regarded as one of the strongest approaches to deal with the issue of equality policy for women. In order to mainstream women in the political process, a number of NGOs have been carrying out different programs in Bangladesh for building awareness among women so that they could opt for participation in the political process. The paper analyzes the role of NGOs in the process of mainstreaming gender in politics in Bangladesh in general and in the enactment of the Local Government (Union Parishad) (Second Amendment) Act of 1997 in particular. Based on empirical data collected through an open-ended structured questionnaire and available secondary data, the study findings reveal that despite having no formal access to the policy process, NGOs augment participation of women in the political process through informal means as is exemplified by their training programs that enhance women's social and economic status. 相似文献
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96.
T. McRoy Shelley III 《环境索赔杂志》2014,26(1):4-26
The insurance industry introduced exclusions for environmental claims in the general commercial litigation policies in the early 1970s, and introduced even greater restrictions in the 1980s. Litigation over the two most common pollution exclusions has been robust and will likely continue to increase. This article first briefly reviews the history of insurance coverage for environmental claims in the United States, including the most common issues and how the courts have addressed them. The article then discusses the current issues and emerging trends in insurance coverage for environmental claims under the general commercial policies. Finally, there is a brief discussion on the growing market for insurance products that specifically cover (rather than exclude) environmental claims. 相似文献
97.
This article calls attention to an unacceptable double standard in American law: the lenient treatment of parental violence against children when compared to other forms of physical assault. Parts II and III critique the generous privilege of physical discipline extended to parents and the differential state response to violence when the victim is a child in the assailant's family. Appeals to family privacy and parental autonomy to justify the current double standard are examined and found wanting. Clearer and much stricter limits on corporal punishment are recommended and defended as constitutional. We further recommend that parental violence which falls outside these limits should be treated no differently than other misdemeanor and felony assaults. These two proposals give children the protection against domestic violence to which they are entitled as a matter of right and prudence. 相似文献
98.
Burtt S 《Policy Sciences》1994,27(2-3):179-196
The fetal rights debate has grown increasingly vitriolic in recent years. The animosity between those who attribute rights to the fetus from the moment of conception and those who argue that the rights of citizens can bestowed only upon those who have been born has created an impasse in a range of important public policy arenas. This article attempts to demonstrate that neither side of this debate provides a satisfactory answer to the question of what limits the state may legitimately place on the medical and behavioral choices of pregnant women. To move beyond the impasse created by the intransigent rhetoric of competing rights, this essay explores the related responsibilities of the expectant mother, the emergent family, and a liberal democratic state. It also applies this conception of reproductive responsibilities to policy issues pertaining to privacy, abortion, regulation of fertile women, and state intervention into parental decision-making. 相似文献
99.
Louise I. Shelley 《Trends in Organized Crime》1999,4(3):81-107
Conclusion The political-criminal nexus that emerged in the post-Soviet period represents a transformation of the relationships which
existed in the Soviet period. The division of the property of the Soviet state gave ample possibilities for the political-criminal
nexus to obtain significant political assets. They were able to transform their power from one that was rooted in the managerial
apparatus of the Soviet state and the consumer economy into one with international dimensions and control of very large shares
of the domestic economy.
The rise of the political-criminal nexus, while hardly surprising in light of the structure of power relations in the final
decades of the Soviet period, precludes full democratization or the rise of a real market economy. In the initial years of
the transformation process from a socialist to a post-socialist economy, insufficient attention was paid to the containment
of the political-criminal nexus in both Russia and Ukraine. Most Western politicians and international organizations focused
on the collapse of communism rather than the rise of these pernicious alternative power relationships.
The prognosis for the containment of the political-criminal nexus in either country is rather limited at the moment. Ukraine,
however, is at a comparative disadvantage because it has failed to sufficiently acknowledge the high costs of organized crime
and its political links. This has been done at the highest levels of Russian government although precious little has been
done to address the problem.
The Ukraine situation is more difficult because its institutional resources are much more limited than Russia which inherited
a disproportionate share of the Soviet Union's financial and institutional resources. With limited civil society and the economic
precariousness of much of the population, little can be done to control the problem at its roots.
The political-criminal nexus in Russia and Ukraine will remain a serious problem in coming decades. It cannot be ignored in
appraising the development of the domestic political situation in either country or determining foreign policy in relation
to these two newly independent states. 相似文献
100.
Mark S. Winfield David Whorley Shelley Beth Kaufman 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2002,45(1):24-51
Abstract: This article examines the experience of Ontario's Technical Standards and Safety Authority (tssa), a not‐for‐profit corporation to which the public‐safety regulation functions of the province's Ministry of Consumer and Commercial Relations (now the Ministry of Consumer and Business Services) were transferred in 1997. The authors place the tssa in the larger context of the restructuring of government functions and responsibilities and the transferring of these activities to non‐governmental actors, as part of what has become known around the world as the “new public management.” The history, rationale, mandate, structure and functions of the tssa are described. In addition, an assessment of the tssa as a model for the delivery of public services against criteria related to governance, political and legal accountability and performance relative to its predecessor is provided. The article concludes that significant gaps remain in the Ministry of Consumer and Business Services' capacity to adequately oversee the tssa and in the accountability framework for the tssa relative to that applicable to a conventionally structured government agency. Improvements in public safety outcomes in Ontario over the past decade are noted, although many of these trends pre‐date the creation of the tssa and may be attributable to factors other than the mccr/tssa transition. Sommaire: Le présent article passe en revue I'expérience de la Technical Standards and Safety Authority (tssa) de I'Ontario, organisme à but non lucratif auquel furent transférées en 1997 les fonctions relatives à la réglementation de la sécurité publique du ministère de la Consommation et du Commerce de la province (devenu le ministère des Services aux consommateurs et aux entreprises). Les auteurs placent la Esa dans le contexte plus vaste de la restructuration des fonctions et responsabilités gouvernementales et du transfert de ces activités à des organismes non gouvemementaux, dans le cadre de ce qui est maintenant connu mondialement sous le nom de « nouvelle gestion publique ». 11s décrivent l'historique, la justification, le mandat, la structure et les fonctions de la tssa. Ils foumissent en outre me évaluation de la Esa en tant que modèle de prestation de services publics selon des critères de gouvemance, d'imputabilité politique et légale et de rendement par rapport à son prédécesseur. L'article conclut qu'il existe encore d'importantes lacunes en ce qui concerne la capacité du ministère des Services aux consommateurs et aux entreprises à superviser adéquatement la tssa et en ce qui concerne le cadre de responsabilité de la tssa par rapport à ce qui s'applique à un organisme gouvernemental de structure conventionnelle. L'article mentionne les améliorations concernant la sécurité publique survenues en Ontario au cours de la dernière décennie, quoique nombre de ces tendances datent d'avant la création de la tssa et pourraient tre attribuables à des facteurs autres que la transition du mcc à la tssa. 相似文献