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51.
Sherman J. Clark 《Criminal Law and Philosophy》2014,8(2):421-429
In this essay, I suggest that the criminal trial is not only about the guilt or innocence of the defendant, but also about the character and growth of the jurors and the communities they represent. In earlier work, I have considered the potential impact of law and politics on the character of citizens, and thus on the capacity of citizens to thrive—to live full and rich human lives. Regarding the jury, I have argued that aspects of criminal trial procedure work to fix in jurors a sense of agency in and responsibility for verdicts of conviction. Here, I draw on those ideas with respect to the presumption of innocence. I suggest that the presumption of innocence works not primarily as legal rule, but rather as a moral framing device—a sort of moral discomfort device—encouraging jurors to feel and bear the weight of what they do. I offer an account of character development in which virtues are conceived of not merely as modes of conduct developed through habituation and practice, but also as capacities and ways of being developed in part through understanding and experience. The criminal trial, framed by the presumption of innocence, can be an experience through which jurors and their communities, by learning what it means and feels like to carry a certain sort of moral weight, may engender a certain set of moral strengths—strengths valuable to them not just as jurors, but also as citizens, and as human beings. 相似文献
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Sherman Lawrence W. van Mastrigt Sarah Gade Christian B. N. Ammann Theresa Strang Heather 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2021,17(2):151-160
Journal of Experimental Criminology - When offenders or victims are randomly assigned to receive experimental vs. current treatments, the external validity of results may depend on whether... 相似文献
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Barak?ArielEmail author Cristobal?Weinborn Lawrence?W?Sherman 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2016,12(3):277-317
Objectives
To determine whether crime-reduction effects of increased police patrols in hot spots are dependent on the “hard” threat of immediate physical arrest, or whether “soft” patrols by civilian (but uniformed) police staff with few arrest powers and no weapons can also reduce crime. We also sought to assess whether the number of discrete patrol visits to a hot spot was more or less important than the total minutes of police presence across all visits, and whether effects based on counts of crime would be consistent with effects on a Crime Harm Index outcome.Methods
We randomly assigned 72 hot spots into 34 treatment units and 38 controls. Treatment consisted of increases in foot patrol by uniformed, unarmed, Police Community Support Officers (PCSOs) who carry no weapons and hold few arrest powers beyond those of ordinary citizens. GPS-trackers on every PCSO and Constable in the city yielded precise measurements of all patrol time in all hot spots. Standardized mean differences (Cohen’s d), OLS regression model, and Weighted Displacement Quotient are used to assess main effects, to model the interaction effect of GPS data with treatment, and to measure the diffusion-of-benefits of the intervention, respectively. Outcomes included counts of incidents as well as the Cambridge Crime Harm Index.Results
As intended, patrol visits and minutes by Police Constables were equal across the treatment and control groups. The sole difference in policing between the treatments groups was in visits to the hot spots by PCSOs, in both the mean daily frequency of discrete visits (T?=?4.65, C?=?2.66; p?≤?.001) and total minutes across all visits (T?=?37.41, C?=?15.92; p?≤?.001), approximately two more ten-minute visits per day in treatment than in control. Main effect estimates suggest 39 % less crime by difference-in-difference analysis of reported crimes compared to control conditions, and 20 % reductions in emergency calls-for-service compared to controls. Crime in surrounding areas showed a diffusion of benefits rather than displacement for treatment hot spots compared to controls. A “Reiss’s Reward” effect was observed, with more proactive patrols predicting less crime across treatment hot spots, while more reactive PCSO time predicted more crime across control hot spots. Crime Harm Index estimates of the seriousness value of crime prevented ranged from 85 to 360 potential days of imprisonment in each treatment group hot spot (relative to controls) by a mean difference of 21 more minutes of PCSO patrol per day, for a potential return on investment of up to 26 to 1.Conclusions
A crime reduction effect of extra patrols in hot spots is not conditional on “hard” police power. Even small differences in foot patrols showing the “soft power” of unarmed paraprofessionals, holding constant vehicular patrols by Police Constables, were causally linked to both lower counts of crimes and a substantially lower crime harm index score. Correlational evidence within the treatment group suggests that greater frequency of discrete PCSO visits may yield more crime reduction benefit than greater duration of those visits, but RCTs are needed for better evidence on this crucial issue.56.
Testing for Analysts’ Bias in Crime Prevention Experiments: Can We Accept Eisner’s One-tailed Test? 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Eisner (Journal of Experimental Criminology, this issue, 2009) suggests that developer-led evaluations often make programs
look better than independent evaluations do because the former suffer systematic biases in favor of prevention success. Yet,
his proposed remedies suffer their own systematic bias, constituting a ‘one-tailed’ test of bias in only one direction. In
this response we suggest that a more objective assessment of ‘analysts’ effects’ requires a ‘two-tailed’ test of bias, in
which reviewers would measure indications of bias both for and against success in evaluations reported by both developers and independent evaluators. After exploring the full complexity of the distinction
between developers and evaluators, we report on one case in which independent evaluations were more favorable than those of
developers. We then suggest possible indicators of analysts’ biases against finding success that may characterize the work
of developers who “bend over backwards” to find harm in their programs, and of independent evaluators who may seek to “get
a scalp” of a developer or a program.
Lawrence W. Sherman is the Wolfson Professor of Criminology at Cambridge University, UK, and Director of its Jerry Lee Centre of Experimental Criminology at the Institute of Criminology. He is also Professor of Criminology at the University of Pennsylvania, USA. The founding President of the Academy of Experimental Criminology, he is the author of the forthcoming book Experimental Criminology and has designed or directed over 30 randomized field experiments. Heather Strang is Director of the Centre for Restorative Justice in the Regulatory Institutions Network (Regnet), Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, at the Australian National University. She is also a Lecturer in Criminology at the University of Pennsylvania and Senior Research Fellow in the Institute of Criminology at Cambridge University. Elected a Fellow of the Academy of Experimental of Criminology in recognition of her book Repair of Revenge: Victims and Restorative Justice, she has led twelve randomized trials of restorative justice conferencing. She is currently directing an Australian Research Council study of both offenders and victims in the ten-year aftermath of four RCTs of restorative justice in Canberra. 相似文献
Lawrence W. ShermanEmail: |
Lawrence W. Sherman is the Wolfson Professor of Criminology at Cambridge University, UK, and Director of its Jerry Lee Centre of Experimental Criminology at the Institute of Criminology. He is also Professor of Criminology at the University of Pennsylvania, USA. The founding President of the Academy of Experimental Criminology, he is the author of the forthcoming book Experimental Criminology and has designed or directed over 30 randomized field experiments. Heather Strang is Director of the Centre for Restorative Justice in the Regulatory Institutions Network (Regnet), Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, at the Australian National University. She is also a Lecturer in Criminology at the University of Pennsylvania and Senior Research Fellow in the Institute of Criminology at Cambridge University. Elected a Fellow of the Academy of Experimental of Criminology in recognition of her book Repair of Revenge: Victims and Restorative Justice, she has led twelve randomized trials of restorative justice conferencing. She is currently directing an Australian Research Council study of both offenders and victims in the ten-year aftermath of four RCTs of restorative justice in Canberra. 相似文献
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