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Because loyalty and trust are viewed as key requirements for relationships with friends as well as with romantic partners, acts of betrayal, which violate the trust on which these relationships are based, are viewed as serious transgressions. This study focused on 2 commonly occurring kinds of betrayal—betrayal of a friend's confidence despite a promise not to do so and sexual betrayal by a romantic partner despite an agreement to be monogamous. Approximately 261 college students, aged 18 to 23, answered questions concerning the acceptability of betrayal under a variety of different conditions and described their self-restraint, tolerance of deviation, and betrayal behavior. Despite pervasive disapproval of betrayal, the extent of disapproval was a function of the type of betrayal (whether of a romantic partner or a same-sex friend), the justification for the betrayal, the sex of the transgressor, and the characteristics of the respondent. There was greater acceptance of sexual betrayal than betrayal of a friend's confidence, of male than female transgression, and by male than female respondents. These results are largely accounted for by the finding that male respondents gave high ratings of acceptance of sexual betrayal by male transgressors. Acceptance of both forms of betrayal was correlated with lack of self-restraint, tolerance of deviation, and behavioral betrayal.  相似文献   
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Svorny  Shirley  Froedge Toma  Eugenia 《Public Choice》1998,97(1-2):93-106
In this paper we develop and test the hypothesis that institutional funding arrangments affect the extent to which public agencies are influenced by special interests. We test this hypothesis using data on state medical boards. In 1989, medical boards in twenty-one states received budget appropriations from their legislatures. The remaining boards operated independent of legislative control, financing their activities from fees and other revenues. We find that budgetary autonomy does influence agency decisions. The ability of physicians to restrict entry is enhanced where licensing boards are self-financed.  相似文献   
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This paper examines the allocation of federal funds to the fifty states through the Job Training Partnership Act of 1982. Targeted at the economically disadvantaged, its allocation formula nevertheless places heavy weights on unemployment measures unrelated to the target group. Evidence is presented that supports the premise that JTPA formula allocations across states reflect political influence. This is the first study to find evidence of a relationship between state representative legislative tenure and federal fund allocations. The importance of a state's political power in influencing federal fund allocations is also revealed.  相似文献   
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This paper considers the concept of “brand” in relation to religious organisations and, in particular, the Catholic Church in England and Wales. It explores the application of marketing and branding concepts to the Church and reports on perceptions of the Church's brand and identity. The findings show that the Catholic Church in England and Wales has very strong brand equity and high levels of brand loyalty among its members, although conventional marketing language should be avoided due to the sensitivities involved. The findings suggest that the Church could usefully be regarded as a “brand community,” akin in many key respects to brand communities in the commercial sphere. It recommends that Church communications could be enhanced by leveraging the brand more effectively as within a true “brand community” for the purpose of encouraging brand loyalty and energising Church members.  相似文献   
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Should citizenship status confer social rights independent of an individual's economic contribution? This study approaches this question through looking at social settings in which answers are contested. Specifically, it documents and analyzes qualitative semi-structured interviews and focus group interviews with 221 Singaporean citizens. As such, it complements existing critical policy studies on shifting conceptualizations of social citizenship and the rise of neoliberal governance. Data analysis illustrates interviewees' perceptions and lived experience of neoliberal, or ‘market citizenship’, bias in state population policy. Interviewees, moreover, find existing pronatalist incentives helpful but insufficient, largely because they see a decision to have more children as a long-term commitment requiring continual investment. They call for more generous, sustained, and universal state provisions for education and health, as well as homemaker allowances, which would be closer to feminist and classical formulations of citizenship-as-social rights.  相似文献   
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