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The present paper addresses the philosophical problem raised by current causal neurochemical models of impulsive violence and aggression: to what extent can we hold violent criminal offenders responsible for their conduct if that conduct is the result of deterministic biochemical processes in the brain. This question is currently receiving a great deal of attention among neuroscientists, legal scholars and philosophers. We examine our current knowledge of neuroscience to assess the possible roles of deterministic factors which induce impulsive aggression, and the extent to which this behavior can be controlled by neural conditioning mechanisms. Neural conditioning mechanisms, we suggest, may underlie what we consider the basis of responsible (though not necessarily moral) behavior: the capacity to give and take reasons. The models we first examine are based in part upon the role played by the neurotransmitter, serotonin, in the regulation of violence and aggression. Collectively, these results would appear to argue in favor of the view that low brain serotonin levels induce impulsive aggression which overrides mechanisms related to rational decision making processes. We next present an account of responsibility as based on the capacity to exercise a certain kind of reason-responsive control over one's conduct. The problem with such accounts of responsibility, however, is that they fail to specify a neurobiological realization of such mechanisms of control. We present a neurobiological, and weakly determinist, framework for understanding how persons can exercise guidance control over their conduct. This framework is based upon classical conditioning of neurons in the prefrontal cortex that allow for a decision making mechanism that provides for prefrontal cortical control of the sites in the brain which express aggressive behavior that include the hypothalamus and midbrain periaqueductal gray. The authors support the view that, in many circumstances, neural conditioning mechanisms provide the basis for the control of human aggression in spite of the presence of brain serotonin levels that might otherwise favor the expression of impulsive aggressive behavior. Indeed if those neural conditioning mechanisms underlie the human capacity to exercise control, they may be the neural realization of reason-responsiveness generally.  相似文献   
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The state's mental health power is standardly understood in terms of the state's power to intervene with persons or populations to address mental health problems. This article advances a more expansive view of the state's mental health power, one which seeks to capture those exercises of state power that do not directly concern mental health but that nevertheless can have a profound effect on mental well-being. The article considers two features of contemporary American society that implicate the state in conditions that undermine, or threaten to undermine, mental health. The first concerns the impact of poverty and inequality on mental health. The second concerns the threat to the self posed by measures that would significantly erode privacy. The article argues that a greater commitment to liberal principles of equality and tolerance is crucial to overcoming the perils for mental health that poverty and losses of privacy generate.  相似文献   
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The contemporary approach to suicide prevention relies primarily on involuntary commitment of the suicidal individual. While there is generally widespread acceptance of the principle of society's right, even its moral obligation, to intervene to prevent a suicide, there is much less agreement concerning the conditions under which such an action should proceed. Most of the debate centers on the widely applied commitment criteria of mental illness and dangerousness to self and others. Questions have also been raised regarding the efficacy of commitment as a preventive measure. In this paper, these controversies are placed in a broader historical context. We examine empirical evidence concerning prevailing commitment criteria and the prophylactic value of involuntary hospitalization, and discuss the appropriateness of our current approach to civil commitment in light of existing data.  相似文献   
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Siegel RL 《人权季刊》1996,18(3):612-640
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Abstract: When Mike Harris's Conservative government came to power in Ontario, it embarked on a program of significant municipal reform. Municipal amalgamation, one of the major elements of this reform package, had many goals, two of which were “efficient service delivery” and provision of “high‐quality services at lowest possible cost.” This article reviews three amalgamations, which reduced the number of municipalities from twenty‐nine to three, to determine whether the mergers resulted in a change in the quality of service delivery. In all three cases, there was a great outpouring of both positive and negative rhetoric in the lead‐up to the amalgamations, but not much happened. There were clearly pockets of dissatisfaction, but most residents did not see a significant change in the quality of services. Sommaire: Lorsque le gouvemement conservateur de Mike Harris est arrivé au pou‐voir en Ontario, il s'est lancé dans un programme de réformes municipales importantes. Le regroupement de municipalités, l'un des principaux éléments de cet ensemble de réformes, avait plusieurs objectifs, dont deux d'entre eux étaient une prestation efficiente de services et l'offre de services de grande qualité au prix le plus bas possible.Le présent article passe en revue trois regroupements, qui ont réduit le nombre de municipalités de vingt‐neuf à trois, pour déterminer si les fusions ont entraîné un changement dans la qualité de la prestation de services. Dans les trois cas, il y a eu une extraordinaire effusion de rhétorique, à la fois positive et négative au cours de la période précédant les regroupements, mais peu se passa. I1 y a eu de toute évidence des foyers de mécontentement, mais la plupart des résidents n'ont pas remarqué d'importants changements dans la qualité des services.  相似文献   
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