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821.
A Global Ranking of Political Science Departments 总被引:3,自引:5,他引:3
Simon Hix 《Political Studies Review》2004,2(3):293-313
Rankings of academic institutions are key information tools for universities, funding agencies, students and faculty. The main method for ranking departments in political science, through peer evaluations, is subjective, biased towards established institutions, and costly in terms of time and money. The alternative method, based on supposedly 'objective' measures of outputs in scientific journals, has thus far only been applied narrowly in political science, using publications in a small number of US-based journals. An alternative method is proposed in this paper – that of ranking departments based on the quantity and impact of their publications in the 63 main political science journals in a given five-year period. The result is a series of global and easily updatable rankings that compare well with results produced by applying a similar method in economics. 相似文献
822.
Simon Shen 《政治学》2004,24(2):122-130
Focusing on the Chinese response towards the Belgrade Embassy Bombing in 1999 as a case study, this article will address the role of contemporary Chinese nationalism in the Chinese foreign policymaking process. By dividing the meaning of Chinese nationalism into several layers, the author will explore the potential of nationalism in replacing communism as the new frame for Chinese foreign policy after the death of Mao. Then the article will examine four possible explanations in an attempt to account for a primarily nationalist Chinese foreign policy in response to the Belgrade Embassy bombing. Underlying the analysis of these arguments is the suggestion that contemporary Chinese nationalism exists more vividly in official rhetoric than actuality, and that it is unlikely to become the new Chinese foreign policy framer in the future. 相似文献
823.
Simon Clarke 《Political studies》1999,47(4):627-642
This paper examines three arguments that attempt to justify liberal neutrality. Firstly the type of neutrality between conceptions of the good that is sought by the arguments is explained. Then the contractarian procedure that is one of the premises of each of the arguments is presented. The remaining sections then examine the arguments, which are Thomas Nagel's appeal to epistemic restraint, Brian Barry's appeal to the uncertainty thesis, and John Rawls's appeal to the burdens of judgement. The arguments attempt to show how the contractarian procedure results in liberal neutrality. They do so by trying to show how no conception of the good can be acceptable to everyone due to the epistemological status of conceptions of the good. It is concluded that none of the arguments succeeds. 相似文献
824.
Simon Hug 《West European politics》2013,36(6):1354-1357
825.
826.
Penny Booth 《Liverpool Law Review》2006,27(3):395-416
The punishment of children in the domestic sphere and in the public domain is an issue of concern for those with care of children
or whose interests lie in the protection of children’s human rights. How children are treated when they are judged to have
broken rules reveals fundamental approaches to the welfare of those who have yet to reach adulthood. The effect of the United
Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child in respect of how children are punished, whether in the home or as transgressors
of criminal law, may be examined through two distinct but linked spheres: the private and home life context of domestic or
personal punishment, and the public domain of state punishment of children in terms of criminal responsibility under English
Law. Both spheres reveal attitudes towards the rights of children which suggest how human rights are accorded to particular
groups in applying international obligations to a state’s domestic provision. This article seeks to explore some issues of
compliance with Article 19 (the physical chastisement of children), Article 37 (the imprisonment of children being a ‚last
resort’) and Article 40 (the minimum age of criminal responsibility) of the United Nations Convention on the␣Rights of the
Child. The application of the rights of children and the operation of the ‚best interests’ of the child in applying Articles
19, 37 and 40 suggests that there are issues in relation to non-compliance which indicate a diminution of the separate rights
of children under English Law in particular and in the operation of the best interests of the child.
Penny Booth is a Reader in Law at Staffordshire University Law School. 相似文献
827.
After almost half a century of an unchanged distribution of seats among political parties in the federal government (Federal Council), the Swiss executive has experienced a new change in 2003. This change follows up on other changes in the past which occurred at irregular intervals. The question we wish to address in this paper is how these changes related to the electoral fortunes of the political parties. We find that electoral success does not translate directly into seat gains in the executive. A lag of up to two elections provides the best predictor. Thus, the rapid concession of a second seat to the SVP in 2003 is an outlier compared to the previous changes in the partisan composition of the Swiss government. 相似文献
828.
829.
Simon Murden 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2000,27(1):25-47
The Arab‐Israeli peace process pointed to a resolution of the Middle East's most persistent conflict, as the Rabin and Peres governments developed a sensitivity to the Arab‐Israeli ‘security dilemma’, but by 1996 the process was deadlocked. Events stalled progress, but so did ingrained attitudes that continued to shape policy that was inconsistent with the peace process. The following article explains some of the Realist norms and values at the root of security thinking in Israel, and charts their inertia in Israeli policy during the peace process, focusing on its approach to Lebanon. The article gives an insight into why Rabin and his successors struggled to find an alternative policy towards Lebanon, and how this prolonged the Arab‐Israeli conflict. The efforts of the Netanyahu and Barak governments to find a solution to the policy problem of Lebanon are outlined. 相似文献
830.