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121.
Media, politicians, and reform proponents frequently assert that public sector organizations are inefficient and burdened by administrative procedures. But are negative stereotypes of the public sector reflected in people's perceptions of public service provision? Given the methodological challenges of isolating the perception of publicness from other factors related to public organizations, little is known about whether public organizations have a negative image. The authors use a survey experimental design to isolate the effect of publicness on perceptions of the performance of hospitals. The results suggest that public sector organizations have a negative image on productivity‐related aspects of performance but not on normative aspects of performance. As this article is a randomized experiment, it provides strong evidence regarding the causal nature of the relationship between publicness and perceptions of performance. Implications for researchers aiming to understand these mechanisms and for public managers concerned about the image of their organization are discussed. 相似文献
122.
Simon Hix 《The Political quarterly》2016,87(2):200-208
The UK has influenced some major EU policies, such as the creation of the single market and enlargement. But how influential are the UK government and British MEPs in the day‐to‐day EU legislative process? To answer this question, this article analyses recent data from the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament. The evidence is mixed. In the Council, in recent years the UK government has been outvoted more often than any other EU government, yet UK officials remain well connected ‘behind the scenes’. In the European Parliament, British MEPs are now more likely to be on the losing side than are the MEPs of any other member state, yet British MEPs still win key committee chairs and rapporteurships. The evidence suggests that if the UK votes to remain in the EU, Britain's political elites will need to re‐engage with Brussels politics if the UK is to avoid becoming further marginalised from mainstream EU politics. 相似文献
123.
Simon Hug 《Journal of Human Rights》2016,15(1):21-39
Over time human rights have gained prominence in international organizations. At the same time, dealing with them has proved difficult and contentious. The present article focuses on the way in which the United Nations have addressed human rights issues, especially through the Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) and its successor the Human Rights Council (UNHRC). Drawing on data on resolutions debated and (largely) adopted in these two bodies in the last 17 years, I offer a comparison of the voting record in these two periods. By analyzing in detail in a comparative fashion the votes in these two bodies, the article shows that despite the high hopes, the UNHRC faces some of the same challenges as its predecessor. More specifcally, I find that the conflict lines have largely remained the same in these two bodies, and the degree of polarization has slightly increased in the new UNHRC. 相似文献
124.
ABSTRACTThe empirical assessment of how signatories of human rights conventions comply with their obligations has, so far, yielded conflicting results, especially regarding the compliance mechanisms that are the most promising to ensure improving human rights records. We argue that this is due to the fact that differences in compliance systems have been neglected and that different compliance mechanisms have been assessed in isolation, without considering possible interactions. To analyze this argument, we propose a novel way to assess the effect of these mechanisms by relying on a Markov-transition model. Our results show that human rights violations are time dependent and that the effect of independent variables is conditional on previous human rights violations as well as on the strength of human rights compliance systems. 相似文献
125.
Simon A. Hill Sarah E. Argent Jo Lolley Freya Wallington 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2016,27(1):21-37
This paper examines the characteristics of a group of 64 young men, who were consecutively admitted to Bluebird House, an NHS mixed gender, adolescent forensic, medium secure hospital. The characteristics examined focus on the young men’s clinical presentations, as informed by the Millon Adolescent Clinical Inventory, and their ICD10 (WHO 1992) diagnoses. The paper also examines the males’ route into, and out of, Bluebird House, as well as their risk profiles, especially with regards to others, as informed by Structured Assessment of Violence Risk in Youth findings and staff recorded incidents. Correlational analysis is performed to try and understand this population, with statistically significant findings highlighted. The discussion considers the trajectory for some of these young men into adult personality disorders, their presentation and prognosis compared to their female counterparts, and how their presentation contrasts with adult male forensic populations. 相似文献
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Simon Shen 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2010,15(2):191-203
This article examines the next stage in the movement towards self-government in rural China: that is, the direct election
of town-level executives. Theoretically, as the article asserts, with the mechanisms and statutes currently in place, direct
elections at the town level could generate a two-pronged disaffection. First, there may be alienation between the executives
directly elected at the town level and those already directly elected at the village level, namely a “vertical organizational
alienation.” Second, there may be alienation between the directly elected “town executives” and the town legislature (People’s
Congress), namely a “horizontal governmental alienation.” After describing the possible points of confrontation, the article
concludes by proposing how such discord can be prevented from arising and suggests that until the potential problems attendant
on these elections have been successfully tackled direct elections at the town level should not be extended into other regions. 相似文献
130.