全文获取类型
收费全文 | 804篇 |
免费 | 39篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 69篇 |
工人农民 | 16篇 |
世界政治 | 91篇 |
外交国际关系 | 78篇 |
法律 | 346篇 |
中国政治 | 8篇 |
政治理论 | 230篇 |
综合类 | 5篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 6篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 9篇 |
2020年 | 19篇 |
2019年 | 19篇 |
2018年 | 35篇 |
2017年 | 34篇 |
2016年 | 32篇 |
2015年 | 22篇 |
2014年 | 30篇 |
2013年 | 137篇 |
2012年 | 17篇 |
2011年 | 30篇 |
2010年 | 19篇 |
2009年 | 27篇 |
2008年 | 29篇 |
2007年 | 47篇 |
2006年 | 43篇 |
2005年 | 19篇 |
2004年 | 22篇 |
2003年 | 24篇 |
2002年 | 22篇 |
2001年 | 14篇 |
2000年 | 15篇 |
1999年 | 15篇 |
1998年 | 13篇 |
1997年 | 15篇 |
1996年 | 7篇 |
1995年 | 12篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 8篇 |
1992年 | 15篇 |
1991年 | 9篇 |
1990年 | 4篇 |
1986年 | 3篇 |
1985年 | 5篇 |
1984年 | 3篇 |
1983年 | 4篇 |
1980年 | 6篇 |
1979年 | 3篇 |
1978年 | 4篇 |
1977年 | 4篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1974年 | 2篇 |
1973年 | 2篇 |
1972年 | 3篇 |
1971年 | 2篇 |
1969年 | 4篇 |
1967年 | 2篇 |
1966年 | 3篇 |
排序方式: 共有843条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
721.
722.
Immigrant students in Denmark on average perform worse in lower secondary school than native Danish students. Part of the effect may not stem from the immigrant students themselves, but from the student composition at the school. From a policy perspective, the latter aspect is quite interesting since it is more feasible to change student composition in schools than the socioeconomic status of the individual students. This article describes theoretically the circumstances under which total student achievement can be increased by reallocating certain groups of students. Empirical analyses of Danish register data of more than 40,000 students suggest that the gain in total student achievement by reallocating immigrant students is minor. The educational outcome of immigrant students can however, ceteris paribus, be increased, at minimal expense to the majority of native Danish students' educational outcome, by limiting the share of immigrant students at grade level at any one school to less than 50 percent. The policy implications of this finding are discussed. 相似文献
723.
Simon Stern 《Law & social inquiry》2011,36(1):83-113
The 2006 class action against James Frey, concerning his fabrications in A Million Little Pieces, was the first suit of its kind in the United States. There is nothing new about false memoirs, so what can explain the lawsuit? When the book was promoted on “Oprah's Book Club,” viewers were invited to respond emotionally, and saw their responses as a form of testimony. Those responses produced a sense of betrayal and inauthenticity when Frey's falsehoods were revealed. This view finds support in the eighteenth‐century sentimental novel, which similarly linked readers' reactions to the author's emotional authenticity. Fraud was an ongoing concern for sentimental novelists, some of whom used elaborate editorial to ploys to disavow responsibility for the text, while others populated their novels with fraudulent characters, intended as foils for the protagonist. An investigation of these novels helps to reveal the implications of the Frey case for future claims of literary fraud. 相似文献
724.
725.
726.
Simon M. M. Laimer 《Juristische Bl?tter》2008,130(9):605-607
Ohne Zusammenfassung 相似文献
727.
There is an emerging political economics literature which purports to show that legislatures elected based on proportional electoral rules spend more and redistribute more than legislatures elected based on majoritarian electoral rules. Going a step further the authors of this paper consider whether degree of electoral proportionality has an impact on population health and, in particular, the health of the least advantaged members of society. A panel of 24 parliamentary democracies for the years 1960?C2004 is used to examine the relationship between electoral institutions and health. The authors find that greater electoral proportionality is positively associated with overall population health (as indicated by life expectancy) and with the health of the poorest (as indicated by a reduction in infant mortality). A panel of 17 countries for the years 1970?C2004 is then used to show to that electoral permissiveness modifies the impact of health spending on infant mortality. 相似文献
728.
Simon McDonnell Pooya Ghorbani Swati Desai Courtney Wolf David M. Burgy 《Housing Policy Debate》2018,28(3):466-487
New York State received $4.5 billion in Community Development Block Grant-Disaster Recovery (CDBG-DR) funds after Superstorm Sandy. A major CDBG-DR requirement is to prioritize assistance to low- and moderate-income (LMI) populations. The state is spending two fifths of funds on community-wide (e.g., infrastructure) recovery activities. For these activities to be documented as LMI, a specified percentage of residents benefiting from them must be LMI. We explore the potential tension between addressing community recovery needs and prioritizing LMI assistance. Specifically, we develop a series of scenarios to estimate the likelihood that any community-wide activities will be documented as LMI in New York State. We find that documenting these activities as LMI is largely dependent on the underlying demographics of disaster-impacted areas. Additionally, as recovery activities increase in size, thereby impacting larger populations, they are less likely to be documented as LMI, potentially disincentivizing larger, more impactful investments. We recommend empirically based LMI targets for CDBG-DR grantees. 相似文献
729.
730.
In this article we explore the implications of Brexit for the UK and the EU's development policies and strategic directions, focusing on the former. While it is likely that the operational process of disentangling the UK from the various development institutions of the EU will be relatively straightforward, the choices that lie ahead about whether and how to cooperate thereafter are more complex. Aid and development policy touches on a wide range of interests—security, trade, climate change, migration, gender rights, and so on. We argue that Brexit will accelerate existing trends within UK development policy, notably towards the growing priority of private sector‐led economic growth strategies and blended finance tools. There are strong signals that UK aid will be cut, as successive secretaries of state appear unable to persuade a substantial section of the public and media that UK aid and development policy serves UK interests in a variety of ways. 相似文献