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51.
The aim is to explore experiences and considerations of social workers regarding irregular migrants, understood as being prone to be “collateral damage.” It is revealed that some social workers approve assistance exceeding that which can find support in the national legislation. They are hereby addressing the normative conditions for recognition and installing new frames for apprehending irregular migrants. This process is referred to as a reframing of recognizability. By exceeding the limits of “belonging,” social workers question their profession's national link as well as the inability of a nationally anchored understanding of social work to deal with irregular migrants.  相似文献   
52.
With the rise of ‘bioeconomy’, trees are receiving increasing attention. This contribution conducts a preliminary analysis of the trajectories and the main drivers of change in the rise of new, flexible and multiple uses of trees. It assesses the political dimensions involved in this transformation, which is simultaneously ongoing, anticipated and imagined. Notes are offered on the issues to be considered when the flex-crop framework is operationalized to include the study of trees, and additional conceptualizations that help in analyzing the political economy of tree uses are provided. Areas needing further empirical study are identified and a preliminary research agenda is suggested. The flexible and multiple use of trees and tree-derived commodities is having a large impact on power relations in the global political economy of forestry and the forest industry, the asymmetry of which is based on who is best able to flex or de-multiply, thereby controlling commodity webs and processing technology. It is argued that while flexing seems to increase diversity, in practice it typically increases this only for the processing industry; the converse occurs in terms of the unification of the productive base into monocultures. However, these two processes go hand in hand, and illustrate how flexing is a deeply capitalist process.  相似文献   
53.
DNA is one of the fastest growing tools in forensic sciences, increasing reliability in forensic reports and judgments. The use of DNA has increased in different areas of the forensic sciences, such as investigation of plant species, where plastid DNA has been used to elucidate and generate evidence in cases of traceability of genetically modified and controlled plants. Even with several advances and the practice of using DNA in forensic investigations, there are just few studies related to the identification of genetic tools for the characterization of drug and nondrug-types of Cannabis. Herein, the whole plastomes of two drug-type Cannabis are presented and have their structures compared with other Cannabis plastomes deposited in the GenBank, focusing in the forensic use of plastome sequences. The plastomes of Cannabis sativa “Brazuka” and of the hybrid Cannabis AK Royal Automatic presented general structure that does not differs from the reported for other C. sativa cultivars. A phylogenomic analyses grouped C. sativa “Brazuka” with the nondrug C. sativa cultivars, while the hybrid Cannabis AK Royal Automatic placed isolated, basal to this group. This suggests that the analysis of plastomes is useful toward genetic identification of hybrids in relation to C. sativa.  相似文献   
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Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Dual identity (e.g., strong ethnic and national identity) is a psychological resource for minority groups, but how it develops during adolescence is less clear....  相似文献   
55.
ABSTRACT

This article analyses how the presence of a dominant group of voters within the electorate affects voter turnout. Theoretically, we argue that its absolute size affects turnout via increased free-riding incentives and reduced social pressure to vote within a larger dominant group. Its relative size compared to other groups within the electorate influences turnout through instrumental and expressive responses – in both the dominant and dominated groups – to the degree of electoral competition between groups. Empirical evidence from a large cross section of German municipalities is in line with these theoretical predictions. The observed effects should be taken into account when redesigning electoral jurisdictions through, for instance, municipal mergers or gerrymandering.  相似文献   
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§ 197 Abs 1 KO hat gegenüber § 156 KO Vorrang und schr?nkt den Anspruch des Gl?ubigers, der seine Forderung im Konkurs nicht angemeldet hat, auf die Quote ein: Der Gl?ubiger hat nur insoweit Anspruch auf die nach dem Zahlungsplan zu zahlende Quote, als dies der Einkommens- und Verm?genslage des Schuldners entspricht. Die Voraussetzungen des § 197 Abs 1 KO sind nicht nur über Antrag im Verfahren nach § 197 Abs 2 KO vom Konkursgericht, sondern auch im Oppositionsverfahren zu prüfen. Die Abh?ngigkeit der Quotenforderung von der Einkommens- und Verm?genslage des Schuldners ist die Rechtsfolge der Nichtanmeldung der Forderung und unabh?ngig von einer vorhergehenden Beschlussfassung nach § 197 Abs 2 KO. Das Nichtwiederaufleben der Forderung nach § 197 Abs 1 KO iVm § 156 KO kann vom Schuldner mit Oppositionsklage geltend gemacht werden.  相似文献   
59.
Die Rückforderung bereits entstandener Provisionen durch den Unternehmer ist nach der relativ zwingenden Beweislastregel des § 9 Abs 3 HVertrG dem echten Untervertreter gegenüber nur zul?ssig, wenn der Unternehmer (Hauptvertreter) nachweist, dass die Nichtausführung des Gesch?fts (zB Zahlungsverzug des Kunden; Stornogrund) nicht der Sph?re der Produktgesellschaft zuzurechnen ist. Eine Rückforderung ist insoweit ausgeschlossen, als der Unternehmer selbst die Provision aus dem entsprechenden Gesch?ft nicht an seine Partnergesellschaft zurückgezahlt hat. Vor Entstehen des Provisionsanspruchs handelt es sich bei Provisionsbuchungen um echte Vorschüsse, die im Fall einer Vereinbarung mit negativen Salden aus der Provisionsabrechnung gegenverrechnet werden dürfen.  相似文献   
60.
The emergence of Forza Italia should not be exclusively reduced to specific Italian conditions. This article attempts to explain the development and establishment of Forza Italia as part of a general change of politics in a modern, highly media‐oriented western society. The type of party represented by Forza Italia can be defined as a ‘media‐mediated personality‐party’. With regard to its structural organisation, it presents itself as an answer to tendencies of differentiation, individualisation and consumerisation in modern society. The leading organisational principle is not inner‐party democracy but inter‐party capability to compete. This model of organisation is seen as functional for a marketing‐based, media‐orientated political strategy. It represents a challenge for the type of democratic, mass‐membership party in western Europe. The 1996 elections in Italy, however, have also pointed out the limits of the model of the media‐mediated personality‐party.  相似文献   
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